— 48 —
and Vazirs, dispossed Kamran and his father Shah Mahmud, who took refuge in Kabul and Ghazni, and when all this was taking place, Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan arrived at Kabul. He had in-stalled his brothers nominee Ayub as the king, and had named him-self as his minister.

It was in this way that two nobles as ministers lived in Kabul. There is of course, little doubt that these rather unknown Sa-duzai princes, who lived as "kings" at one and the same place, had not become kings at their own option; and were kings but in name, for all power was tested in the hands of their minsters; who in their turn had their personal plans.

The anamolous position which was thus created was due to the fact amongst all the Barakzai Brothers, who by now held the major part of the country within their grasp, could not find or could not agree to find, one amongst them to rule the country; and who could look after the central government. The two brot-hers, Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan, who in reality wished to rule, could not bring themselves forward as real claements of the throne; atleast not directly. Such a procedure would have precipitated a conflict in the minds of others. By the method of placing rather week princes at the thr-one, they had in mind to rule themselves. Ayub Shah ( the protegee of Azeem Khan ) and Sultan Ali, afterwards known as Sultan Ali Shah-as the nominee of Sirdar Doust Mohemod Khan did not desist from opposing each other knew that-each a support of a power noble. Atlast Sultan Ali Shah was strangled at the hands of the son of Ayub Shah at Bala Hisar in his bed chamber; thus one of the twin-kings was removed. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan managed to rule with his protegee for a time. He also journeyed to do battle in far and near corners of the countries, such as in Sindh and Peshawar. His son Habibullah Khan was elected as his father's successor. Ayub Shah was still on the throne, at Balah Hisar and desired to "depatch" Habiullah at the hands of his son Ismail, when Purdil Khan reached in time; killed Ismail and det-hroned Ayub and released Habibullah. This was the manner in which the line of Saduzai kings-came to the end at Kabul.


- 49 -

Circumstances were enfolding significant happenings then; for surrounding Afghan matters, the English had reached the regions of the Punjab and Sindh; Ranjit Singh had bought the Attock fort from Ghulam Mohamed Khan and Jahandad Khan the Bamyazais; and the collaps of the Saduzai dynasty had been completed; and the Barakzai kingdom had not spring up so far. The weekness of the situation was significant; two weekling kings sat at the throne in Balah Hisar, the country was rend from one corner to another by fueds and feudal lords; and the English were marching westwards step by step towards Afghanistan. The Sikh Maharajas were now in possession of Kashmire, Multan Dera Jat and Peshawar; till that region was surrendered to the Servants of the East India Company.

* * *

TWO KINGN IN ONE CITY.
FORTEENTH ARTICLE
The years 1838. A. D. and 1842. A. D. which seperate the duration of the rule of Amir Doust Mohammed, was the time when Shahshuja backed by the English; and English backed by Shahshuja entered Afghanistan. This took place because the elected king of the country was not in the running and that the hand of the foreigners operated in all directions. During the six months of that time of trouble, two kings faced each other at Kabul; one of whom was fighting with the power of the strangers and the other was backed the nation spirit of the people".

* * *

In the previous narrative we have mentioned the difficult days of Bala Hisar life in Kabul; here again we desire to say something about the two kings at Kabul. One of these lived in great luxury and magnificence of Royalty; whilst the other existed in the poor man's quarters. Other lived in his own house as an ordinary man in the city. There is some diffirence between these two kings and those named above, however, for these two were the Saduzai princes. They had come forward as the nominees of two Barakzai Nobles; and these two kings were Barakzais and the other was from the Saduzais. One of


- 50 -
them was a protegee of the English and was hated by the people;
and the other was the one whom people had elected

When the English had taken half of India; and in order to
protect their possession in India, they had to progress further afied
into central Asian territories and had taken a political refuge in the
scare the danger of the coming of Napoleon eastwards; and by this
ruse had entered our country, "to protect Afghanistan from the
danger of the French conquerer" but in reality to protect their own
trading interests and their empire, and had put to flight the legally
elected king of Afghanistan Bokharawards. Shahshuja Saduzai was
placed for the second time upon the throne of Afghanistan after
23 years of his exile from the country in 1838 A. D. to 1842 A. D.
Shahshuja, however, ruled only in name, for all power of adminis-
tration was in the hands of Macnaughton. The English troops had
occupied the regions stretching from Kandahar and Garishk to Kilat
Ghilzai to Ghazni, Wardak, Kabul Charikar and Jalalabad. During
those four years of turmoil and disress if the nation Shahsuja and
Macaughton the people did not desist from making every possible
effort. When however cruelity and harsh treatment had reached its
apogee the leaders of the nation, collected round Abdullah Khan
Achkzai and Aminullah Khan Logari and held a number of meetings.
They planed certain schemes one day in the first ten days of the
month of Ramazan 1258. A. H. (November 1840. A. D.) and elected
Nawab Mohammed Zaman Khan son of Nawab Asad Khan-the grand-
son of Sirdar Payanda Khan as their king. Afterwards on the 18th.
Ramazan (second of November) they started to act. After the murder
of Burns the national rising increased daily against the English.
When the warfare was at its highest Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan
arrived at Kabul so the result of national resistence a treaty was
signed on 16th. Zilhij 1257 A.H. First of the Month of January
1842. A.D. in the text of which Sirdar Mohamed Zaman khan was
styled as the Great Nawab Nawab Mohammed Zaman khan and the
Representative was stled as Aminullah khan. All the other Sirdars pen-
ned their sign atures to the treaty and it was fully sealed and signed.

Shahshuja and Zaman Shah were in great conflict one against the
other during the middle of Ramazan 1257. A.H. to the middle of


- 51 -
Safar 1258 A.H. that is from the beginning of November 1841. A.D.to 15th April 1842. A.D. when Shahshuja was assasinated at the hands of Shujaudaollah the son of Zaman Shah. All these five and a half months fierce struggle ensued between the two forces. Aminullah of Logar who was considered as the Deputy of both of these kings did everythig possible to reconcile both of contestents because he would have been degraded at the hands of one of them and would have become only a Vazir.

In any case circumtances so converged to new situations that matters righted themselves on their own accord. Shahshuja in absence of his supporters so lost himself that he lost all his chances and was ultimately was asssassinated. On the appearance of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar khan the chance of the return of Amir Doust Mahamed khan a new turn. There is of course another story in relation to the son of Shashuja but that should be related at a seperate place. In any case when the matter of kingship of the son of Shahshuja was being contested between Aminullah khan and Zaman Shah at the highest of Maunjan Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan having mat a reverse at the hands of the English returned to Kabul the dispute was settled for some months Fateh Jung ruled and Zaman Shah left him alone for a time till the English inorder to ebenge themselves once again intered Afghanistan and burnt the roof of the Bazaar and then left entire country of Afghanistan and allowed Amir Doust Mohamed Khan to return and occupy the throne of Kabul.

* * *

HABIBULLAH KHAN.
FIFIEENTH ARTICLE
(The son and the riches of sirdar Azeem Khan.)

After the death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan who was the governor of Kashmire two things remained from him. These related to the matters of the country. They have been of small duration: one was his abandoned spirit and the other was his son. The name of his son was Habibullah Khan; as a young man without any experience, and fond of society, and fond of good living. He wanted


- 52 -
that with his wealth he could manage the affairs of the state: but his wealth not only deprived him of his realm, but also contributed to his losing of his reason.

On the death of Mohamed Azeem Khan (1238, A.H. 1823.A.D.) the king of his choice one Ayub Khan was at Kabul. As we have related in other of our contributions, his kingship was in reality the kingship of his minister. After his death, his sun Habibullah Khan took the road that his father took, and took the power which father excersied over the king. But there was a considerable difference between the father and the son. Beyond money he had not inherited anything from his father: and also he was a man who believed in good living. Seeing these weekness in in his son, Sirdar Azeem Khan given the guardianship of his son to one named Nawab Jabar khan. The son, however, forgot his father's orders, and ratherthan act on advise of his father, he sent his guardian out as the governor of Ghazni, so that he could be away from the totalage of his guardian.

In the first instance there arose a struggle between Prince Ismail the son of Ayub Shah and Habibullah khan. The prince was that the powers of his father were really usurped; and that he struggled to regain the power of his father, whereas Habibullah khan was of the view that even those prerogatives which were only in name, they, too, could be curtailed; thus he approached his uncle of kandahar for is execution. At that time two points attracted the attention of the Barkzai Sirdar in kandahar; one was their desire to face Shah Mahmud at Herat, and the second was to uphold the kingly prestige at Kabul. At that time, too, Sirdar Shair Dil khan was engaged in a battle with Shah Mahmud, Sirdar Purdil khan immediately came to kabul. After meeting Ayub Shah, he put him in prison at Bala Hisar. PrinceIsmail, the son of the deposed and imprisoned king was killed. In this way, therefore, the last figure of rule of the Saduzais was removed from. But for the second time Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan disagreed, and a fight ensued between him and Shair Dil Khan in the neghbourhood of Bala


— 53 —
Hisar and Shah Shaheed; but the intercession of Nawab Jabar khan
and Nawab Mohammed Zaman khan the two were reconciled. The
plane evolved by Shair Dil khan will be discussed in a different
article.

Sirdar Habibullah Khan son of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan,
as we have said already, was not a man of any considerable perso
nality; except that he had inherited a good deal of wealth from his
father. Not only was money bequethed to Sirdar Habibullah Khan
by his father but also, the Sirdarship and leadership of Kabul had
also been imparted to him. But this was not really granted to him
by the people who mattered. Sirdar Habibullah Khan, therefore,
desired to have that leadership by spending money and through the
influence of his friends But this wealth of his attracted the atten
tions of his uncles of Peshawar and of Kandahar. Their coming to
Kabul however, deprived him not only of his wealth but also all
semblence of any leadership of Kabul that he had sought.

THE COMING OF SHIR DIL KHAN TO KABUL.

When Sirdar Shair Dil Khan arrived in Kabul Sirdar Yar
Mohammed Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohammed Khan the half-wit
Sirdar Habibullah Khan against Sirdar Shair Dil Khan. His path
was barred at Char Dahi; but Sirdar Shair Dil Khan skirted by
way of Killah Fazil Baig, Afshar Nanuk Chi and Chal Tan and
reached Kabul. Beating the resistence of his adverseries he moved
to the region of the fur merchants, which lay towards the east of the
bridge of Mahmud Khan, where he made his military headquarters
Thence advancing by way of the Hisar arrived at Killa Housh Mund;
and moving still to the south in a semi-circle surrounded the citedal
of Bala Hisar; and at last by way of Darwazai Khoni near the
Gateway of Jobba entered Bala Hisar. He took the enterior by force
of arms; and took Habibullal Khan a prisoner.


--54--

THE SADUZAIS IN HERAT.

SIXTEENTH ART ICLE

(Shah Mahmud & Kamran in one Corner of Afghanistan.)

The assassination of Fatheh Khan in 1234.A.H. at the hands of Shah Mahmud and Kamran, and in consequence the reaction of the Bakarkzai Brothers in order to avenge themselve is an incident, on-account of which the King and the prince of the Saduzais took th-eir stand in herat; and the rule of the Brakzais was established in all Afghanistan. There is no doubt that despite of it all, for the ne-xt 22 years, the rule of Shah Mahmud and his son, and of his re-latatives lasted. But in this article details are given about the rule of the princes of Saduzais, and these details will serve to show that despite the internecine war, and the limitation of the rule Saduzais, the opposition to them by those of his countrymen; the aggressions of the Kachars of Persia, the interference and political interests of the English with Russia in Central Asia; the city of He-at was after all conquered without a long seige and resistence, It, too, remained in the hands of the Saduzais.

* * *

After the assassination of Fatheh Khan in 1234.A.H. the opp-osition of the Saduzais and Barakzai was considerably increased. The King Shah Mahmud and prince Kamran fled from the opposition of Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan's forces at Chahar Asyab to Kandahar. As this city had fallen to Pur Dil Khan and his brother from Gul Mohamed Khan-one time governor of the place appointed by the Saduzais-Shah Mahmud and his son were compelled to travel by D-araward and bypaths in a great haste and with much difficulties and reached Farah. It is related that the king reached Herat only with eleven men and there he established his rule.

The princes of Saduzai, who had created a bad name for the-mselves in the country because of their savage act of assassinating Sirdar Fatheh Khan did not find Herat any too happy a place to


—55—
survive and to have their records of misdeeds condoned. The fact
was that the lust of personal power and interest that this king and
his son had, they did not pay the slightest attention to any and all
protest that had been made in connection of their appalling activities.

Shah Mahmud considered that all his misfortunes had been
inflicted upon him due to the activities of his son Kamran, wanted
to have all power into his hands; but Kamran, who had tasted to
luxuries of being an heir to the throne of his father had another
idea: thus Shah Mahmud fearing that his son might imprison him,
in the year 1235.A.H. left the city of Herat in fear of his life.
In the years of 1820.A.D. and 1821.A.D, the son and the father
had to measure swords in the neighbourhood of Herat. The king
sought help from the people of Bad-Ghaiz, Ghurjistan and Emaq;
and the prince sought assistence from the officers of the Kachars
of Persia and Meshed. Till atlast the nobles terminated this ridiculous
battle between father and son; and persuaded the king to retain
the title and prestige of royalty; and that all administration was to
be handed over to his son, Kamran. The position, thus was this that
whereas the entire country of Afghanistan was in the hands of
the Barakzai Brothers, and Sikhs were inroading from the eastern
regions; and they were "wretling" against these Sikhs; the Saduzai
princes found an opportunity to continue to rule in the north-west
of the country. The trouble which was going on between the father
and the son in Herat area amongst the Saduzais, was contemporary
of the time when the Anglo-Russian imperial penetration and rivalry
had reached its higt in degards to Central Asia. The Kachars took
advantage of this weekness frequently attacked Herat.

The first fact which interfered with the position of Shah Mha-
mud and Kamran from Western Asyab was the factor of the attack
of Firozuddin in the year 1822. A.D. Haji Firozuddin, who as the
brother of Shah Mahmud for sixteen years had acted as an in-
dependent governor in Herat-from 1800. A.D. to 1816. A.D,-and af-
ter the collaps of Kandahar when Kandahar had been taken by Pur
Dil Khan' had gone to Meshad, with the help and co-operation of
Khali Khan Tayamni attack Herat; but his helper was killed and he
himself was taken prisoner. In the year 1823. A.D. with the conni-


- 56-
vance of Fateh Ali Khan Kachar attacks were launched against
Herat. In fact these attacks were also moved down to Farah. The in-
habitants of Farah, however, were now attcahd to the Sirdars of
Kandahar, Sirdar Shair Dil Khan moved to Farah to repel the aggre-
ssors. At the time Shah Mahmud was indulging himself, whether
through his own desire, or because he was compelled to remain id-
le, and was at Bagh Shah. Kamran had deputed affairs of the state
to Husain Khan his uncle Mustafa Khan Zori; and placed his son
to watch as to how these two discharged their duties. He himself,
(Kamran) gave his time to the reduction of the city of Farah. These
two Sirdar, who had penetration amongst the people, had their own
designs. From the very beginning they allied themselves and plotted
against Kamran. The son of Kamran was set on a wrong path by the-
se two intriguers, by inciting him to claim a kingship. Later on one
of them released Haji Firozuddin, and set him on the throne; and
the other approached Shah Mahmud and "released" him, Later on
Mustafa Khan Zouri terminated 18 days reign of Haji Firozuddin and
induced Kamran to return to Herat.

In the south, although Shair Dil Khan had beseiged the Killa
Lash and Wajueen: but further opportunity of an advance did not
come to his hands: thus Kamran was undecided whether to return
to Herat or not. As Mustafa Khan had not acquired a complete mas-
tery over things in Herat, the people were not very pleased with
him; thus Syed Mir Saddiq Khan it was who invited Kamran to
Herat. In the darkness of night, the prince Kamran's return was
manipulated. For a whole month, a struggle continued between Kam-
ran and Mustafa Khan with in the precints of the town;and in the
Killa Ikhtiaruddin. Till at last Mustafa Khan surrundured and Kamran
tor the second time took possession of the city of Herat ( 1823.A.D.)
1244. A. H. In the year 1829. A.D. ( 1245. A. H.) after the death of his
father-Shah Mahmud-he proclaimed himself as king.

During nine of ten years ( 1810. A. D.-1829. A. D.) when Shah
Mahmud as king and his son Kamran as the real administrator in
Herat, when they were in opposite camps, and was harrassed by the
attacks of the Kachars, did not find their places as the bed of
roses. Shah Mahmud died under mysterious circumstances; for accor-


-57-
ding to some, his son is supposed to have a hand in the death of Shah Mahmud.

In any case, after that date, Kamran wore the mantle of hi father as king. He appointed as his minister of the realm, one named Atta Mohamed Khan Alkozai, who slowly grabbed the administration strings into his hands. This Atta Mohamed Khan died in the year 1830. A.D. after whom his son Sirdar Din Mohamed Khan took the appointment ; but his rivals prevented this, so that he ( Din Mohamed Khan ) gave the appointment to his cousin one named Yar Mohamed Khan Alkozai, the son of Abdullah Khan Alkozai was the governor of Kashmire during the time of Shah Mahmud's reign.

In the beginning the relationship between the Minister of The Realm and Kamran were not bad. In the year 1832. A. D. Fateh Ali Shah Kachar sent a military expedition to Herat under the command of his son one named Abbas Mirza at the head of thirty thousand soldiers. Abbas Mirza wanted to settle the issue withour fighting for it, therefore, he sent a messenger of his to Kamran. Wazir Yar Mohamed Khan was sent for that purpose to Meshad. But as the Afghan envoy did not accept the least point against the interests of his Afghan soveriegn, the matter was not solved. The Persian prince, against all rules of procedure imprisioned the Afghan envoy. The son of Abbas Mirza, one named Sal Bud beseiged Herat ; but the Persians under Abbas Mirza were not strong enough to force an issue, and the Persians , therefore, retired to Meshad. ( 1833. A. D. ) Yar Mohamed Khan returned to Herat. A year after this, of cuorse, Fateh Ali Shah also died, ( 1834. A. D. )

After this episode, Kamran and his minister of the State, Yar Mohamed Khan were able to have peace for three or four years, in order to consolidate their kingdom. During this time, too, the minister was able to add to his powers in regards to administration of the realm; till he was really all in all. So much so that he now had practically those very powers which Kamran had taken over from his father. In the year 1837. A. D. rumours arose regarding the possibility of an attack of the Persians during the reign of Mohamed Shah Kachar against Herat. The prime mover


- 58 -
in this matter was the Czarist regime of Russia. It is a time, too, when the question of the possession of Herat had assumed an international aspect; so that the progress of imperialist designs of Russia and England, in Central Asia and India had arrived at a pass that it was feared that one day soon the two expansionist forces must collide some where in the neighbourhood of Centrl Asia. There is no doubt that the Saduzais of Herat, and Persian Kachars from Ghouristan to Herat had come into conflict with eachother in Afghanistan; but the expansionist policies of Russia and of England were rather more interested in the historical situation of Herat as a point of geography and politcal location. The Russians assisted the Kachars as against the Saduzais; and the English were in favour of these Saduzais; so the political helpers, and even military helpers of each these European dowers were assisting each group. Both the Russians and the English were ever in quest of approaching Amir Doust Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Kundil Khan, through sending their varous delegations, letters and envoys to win these two Sirdars to their respective sides. Great political manoeuvres, political rivalry was the scene in Central Asia of the period.

Inspite of the fact that the Killa of Ghuyans fell in to the hands of the Kachars; and the Persian soldiers reached upto the citidal walls under ther Russian officers; and Herat was besseiged for ten months, and that on account of lack of rations King Kamran did in effect opened negotiations for peace, yet Wazir Yar Mohamed Khan Alkozai and showed great resistence; and Pottinger, who was an English Agent, gave great hopes to Kamran in Herat. The result of it all was that Herat was not conquered by the Persians and that fatal hour was passed. Pressure was brought to bear upon Persia by the English at Bundar Abbas, so that the Persian king's forces has to retire from their ten months seige of Herat and returned to Tehran.

After replusing the foreign attacks, Kamran and his minister Yar Mohamed Khan converged their attention quite definitely toward the internal enemies of their own. The king, however, was now getting rather anxious about the growing power of his minister; and


— 59 —

wanted to remove him through whatever pretext that was possible.
The minister on his turn, seeing his growing power wanted to do
away with the king. In the year 1225. A. H. when Shahshuja was
ruling at Kabul, Kamran entered Killa Ikhtiaruddin and launched an
attack against his own powerful minister. The result was not favo-
urable to the king, so that Kamran was placed under surveillance
in the region of Kohistan. There he was assassinated by the order
of minister in the year 1842. A. D. 1256. A. H.

* * *

YAR MOHAMED KHAN ALKOZAI.
SEVENTEENTH ARTICLE
(The Minister, The Minister of The Realm of The Herat Kings.)
Yar Mohamed Khan, whose account is being given in this
article was one of the great man and man of great power in Af-
ghanistan. He held the position of a Minister of the Realm during
the reign of King Kamran, he, on account of the power which he
had gathered into his hands, he reached to the great position
of a ruler at Herat, where his life ended. His territory extened
beyond Herat to such areas as Bulk and Chakhansour. Yar Moha-
med Khan seeing that the city of herat was attracting the interests
of strangers, like the English, was opposed to the English and was
inclined towards the Persians towards the end of his time. his Policy
was to protect himself from external & internal intrusion; and it is to
be accepted that he managed to do this.

In the year 1829. A. D. (1240. A. H.) when Shah Mahmud,
fhe Saduzi king of Herat died under mysterious circumstances;
and his son Kamran occopied the throne-who in fact had
assumed the power of government during the life time of his
father-installed one named Ata Mohamed Alkozi was his minister.
A year after that, Ata Mohamed Alkozi died and King Kamran
was compelled to appoint another man in his place. Accordinog to
traditon of the time, the place of a minister of heriditory, thus
Ata Mohamed Khan's place was to be taken by his son, named
Sirdar Din Mohamed Khan. The courtiers, however, opposed that
appointment; thus Din Mohamed Khan agreed to step down in
favour of his cousin one named Yar Mohamed Khan Alkozai.


- 60 -

Yar Mohamed Khan who is famous for his appointment as a minister was the son of a governor of Kashmire, one named Abdullah Khan. He was a governor of Kashmire at the time of Shah Mahmud. Abdullah Khan's son-Yar Mohamed Khan-became more famous than his father in Afghan history. Ultimately he became a Minister of the State, and ended up with becoming a king of Herat. His name was known all through Central Asia. Yar Mohamed Khan was a minister from the year 1830. A. D. till 1842. A. D. that is to the end of the days of Kamran as a king. His term of office was frougt with those uncertain and difficult times, when that area was rent asunder by inroads of the Kachars, the struggle of imperial expansion of the English and the Russians in centaral Asia regarding the strategical position of the city of Herat. There is little doubt that during such a period of difficulties of international magnitude, when the feeble king-like Kamran-was on the throne, the affairs of the state, as being upon the shoulders of a minister, were arduous and important. As the records of history manifest, from the moment, that this Sirdar of Alkozi took on the task of a minister, he was always solicitous that Herat shall be protected at all cost. Herat was, indeed, protected by him, as we had seen. When in the year 1833. A. D. the prince Abbas Mirza-the son of Fateh Ali Shah Kachar-launched an attack agaist Herat; and desired to settle the matter without fighting by talking to the representative of the Afghan king of Herat, it was Yar Mohamed Khan, who was sent as an envoy on behalf of the Afghan Saduzai king of Herat to Meshad; he did not accept the least point of influence of the Kachars in Herat or any of the regions under the rule of his sovereign; so that the Persia prince, contrary to all procedure, imprisoned the Afghan envoy and placed him under very adverse conditions.

Quite naturally Kamran Shah made endeavours in getting the release of his minister; and either due to those endeavors; or that Abbas Mirza died (1833. A. D.) Yar Mohamed Khan returned to Herat and was once again busy with his duties, and was able to take the reigns of government in his strong hands.


— 61 —
In the year 1837. A. D. when the rivalry of England and
of Russia was all its highest over the question of Herat; and Mohamed
Shah assisted by the Russian officers beseiged the city of Herat
for ten months, the Vazir-Yar Mohamed Shah.showed himself equal
to the task when in making arrangements with the English thr-
ough Potinger-who was living in disguise in Herat-and for in other
ways for the defence of the city. Nor was it all, but he also
used some of the money that the purpose of strengthening of his
troops; and managed to repulse the aggressor Persians forces even
from the very walls of the city of Herat.

After 1838. A. D. when the storm was blown over in regards
to the Persian attack against Herat, the Englih had taken Kabul
and Kandahar in the name of Shahshuja. Later they tried to occupy
Herat and to place the local Saduzai gevernment of Herat under
their influence. As we had mentioned, Pottinger, as the represe-
ntative of the East India Company had paid a sum to Kamran
and to his minister Yar Mohamed Khan in order to strengthen
the Saduzai defence forces. After the lifting of the seige Captain
Stoddard, too, joined Pottinger, so as to secure some "consideration"
for the East India Company. Yar Mohamed Khan made use of
the English money, but did not give the slightest point of "cons-
ideration" to the English either in commercial or political sense.
The English minster one named Macnuagton, thereupon, sent Major
Todd to join the other two Englishmen at Herat, to persuade
the local Saduzai administraion with the inducement of money
and other promises to come under the English influence. A
treaty of friendhsip was signed between the English and Kamran
in 1839 A . D . between Stoddard and Kamran; but the Vazir
Yar Mohamed Khan, who was the actual power, did not sign or
the engagement entered into and did not give any consideration
to the English. Yar Mohamed Khan being aware of the interest
of both the Persians and the English in regards to the city of
Herat tried to benefit from both sides for the good of the country;
so that when the Persians attacked Herat, Yar Mohamed Khan
took the help of the English to repel the agressor; and when the
danger to Herat was over, and the English had taken practically
every part of Afghanistan except Herat. Yar Mohamed paid no


- 62 -

attention to the soft words of the English; and because of the friendly pressure of Mohamed Shah Kachar, he commanded that Major Tode should leave Herat. His growing power was now in progress, till in the year 1842. A. D. he managed to remove even the Kamran from his royal position.

There is little doubt that after that date, he did not proclaim himself as a king, but called himself only a Minister of the Realm. This title was considered of greater magnitude that the kingships of either Shah Mahmud or Kamran. He ( Yar Mohamed Khan ) now started on a carrer to extend the extent of his territory. Yar Mohamed Khan paid attention to this extension of his administrative province in two directions ; namely in the south and the East-in Ghour and in the regions of Murghab. He reduce Karim Dad Khan, the head of the Hazras, of Killa Noor, to submission. In the year 1842. A. D. ( 1257. A.H. ) which is the time of a great anti-English movement at Kabul, he took an expedition to Ghour. At the time in Ghour two persons had influence , one was Mustafa Khan and the other was named Ibrahim Khan. Two sons of Kamran named Saiful Muluk and Saadat Muluk took refuge with Ibrahim Khan ; also Sirdar Din Mohamed Khan-who as may be remembered had waived his claim over the Minister of the Realm office-had now become an enemy of him under the protection of one Mustafa Khan. In addition to this Rawlinson, the political representative of the English in Kandahar had also taken steps to remove Yar Mohamed Khan from Herat, and his activities were projected at Ghour. The Minister of the Realm took advantage of the animosity of these two nobles of Ghour and rendered them week by precipitating a conflict bet ween them ; so that the was able to project his influence in Ghour upto Karz and Nazli. This done he returned to Herat. In 1846. A. D. when Mohamed Shah dismissed Saifud Dowlah from the governorship of Meshad ; the king of Herat found the opportunity to extend his influence up to Tuhat Jam. During that year and the year after that 1847. A. D. he was further able to extend his say to the region of Mughab, Shibarghan, Aqhcha, to Sarpul and upto the neighbourhood of Bulkh. He wrote a letter to the ruler of Merve, asking him to surrender himself under the rule of Yar Mohamed Khan.


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At the time when the prestige of Yar Mohamed Khan as
the ruler of Herat had reached its highest point, at Kabul the reign
of Amir Doust Mohamed Khan obtained, and Kandahar was in the
hands of Sirdar Kuhandil Khan. Political relations between Kabul
and Herat were cordial and on account of the family connection of
two royal house they became even more friendly; for Yar Mohamed
Khan had given his daughter in merriage to Vazir Mahamed Akbar
Khan; and on the death of Vazir Mohamed Akbar Khan, the second
son of the Amir married the widow of his brother. But on the
contrary there was a great tension between Sirdar Kunhandil
Khan and the ruler of Herat. This animosity it was that compelled
each of these contestent to ask the help of the Persians; and each
of them wrote in his individual manner to Mohamed Shah, the Ka-
char king. The Persians were, however, rather afraid of the growing
strength of Yar Mohamed Khan, therefore, they wanted to assist
Kuhindil Khan; but his death destroyed this plan. Apart from this
when Naziruddin Kachar came upon the throne of Persia, dangerous
situation arose for the Tehran government in Meshad; this was in
the shape of the revolt of Saifuddoullah, the deposed governor of
that city. Humza Mirza was appointed to punish the revel. The Vazir-Yar
Mohamed Khan saw a chance for further strengthening himself at the
expense of this Persian Fracas, for he noticed that this would wee-
ken the Persian urge against Herat; and thus he was not quite sure
as to what to do for the best, because he was still friendly towards
the Persian kings; and wanted to help Humza Mirza. Both of these
rivals were now the subject of attention of Yar Mohamed Khan. He
wrote to both of them. He started with 8,000 fighting men towards
Meshad. In "appearance" he showed favour more to Humza Mirza,
and for that reason Nazir Uddin send him as gift a sword studdied
with jewels, and bestowed on him the title of Zahiruddoullah.

In as much as Amir Doust Mohamed Khan was desirous that
he should bring the whole country under one banner. and thus p-
roduce a unity by taking Kandahar and Herat; both Kuhin Dil
Khan and Yar Mohamed Khan opposed the Amir. In the year 1267.
A.H. a struggle was imminent; Yar Mohamed wrote to Kuhim Dil Khan
that in place of both of them being at lagger head witn each other.


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they should really combine in their efforts. This is a time, too, when
Ahmed Khan the head of the Ishaq Zais, induce Kuhin Dil Khan
to take the region of Lash, then Shair Dil Khan son of Mihr Dil
Khan started from Kandahar to that direction ; just in time Kuhin
Dil Khan's son Sirdar Mohamed Saddiq Khan occupied the region of
Chughansour. Yar Mohamed Khan was rather frightened about this,
therefore, he, tooo, tok notice of the region of Lash and removed
Ahmed Khan form that locality; and send Sirdar Mohamed Saddiq
Khan back to Kandahar with due honour and with much favour; ma-
king his son Sirdar Said Mohamed Khan as the governor of Lash.
He himself returned to Herat. In the way to Herat, he fell ill
suffering with fever and died in 1267, A. H. He was burried near
the grave of Jami.

During his rule in Herat Yar Mohamed Khan-twelve years
with his might reduced all the lesser nobles to subjugation. He
gave peace to practically all the territories under his jurisdiction.
He also paid a great deal of attention to agriculture and even
to the mines of his territory. He repaired all those buildings which
had suffered during fighting in and around Herat. Those who
had died as a result of the war with the foreigners were remem-
bered by him, for their dependents received grants of lands in such
regions as Killa Noa and in areas around. As compared to the
Saduzai princes, he ruled a larger territory and most certainly
much more effeciently.

TOWARDS THE FRONTIER DELINEATION.
EIGHTEENTH ARTICLE
The English atlast on their road of imperialist expansion
reached upto the banks of the Indus in the middle of the 19th.
century of Christian Era. But from the time that they arrived at
that locality, they were subjected to great difficulty, for there they
were confronted with the problem of delineating the frontiers. The
difficulty was that during a whole century their political thinkers
and their military officers through various writings and in virtue
of multiferous documents which they had sighned, they had com-
mitted themselves to quite a number of baffling situations. They
knew that the problems of the frontiers between them and the


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Afghans had not been solved. As a result the reaction had been
the question of Pushtunistan come into being, so that till that region
of the Pushtuns is not made indpendent, there could not be a
Permanent peace in that phart of Asia.

As a result of the records of history which had been rev-
ealed; and some of which have also been appearing in the publi-
cations both in our own and those of the English. When the
English occupied the Indus Valley in the year 1843. A. D. and
placed the Punjab unddr their rule, had aways in the quest of
making a boundry line their territory and those of the western
neighbours.

In other words, the imperialist designs of the English during
their progress for half a century had enabled them to overpower
the fertile regions of India from the Ganges to the basin of
the Indus river. When that was accomplished they were solicitous
to find a lind of demarkation of a permanet value; so that the
tasty morsal of India should be eaten away from the interference
of rivals; so that no one should meddle in their rule of the
fetile plains and extensive regions of which then they were the
masters. It was this that impelled the military and political officers
of rhe Britsh empire to arrive at a decision in regards to a line
of frontier.

As the readers are aware that the discovery and the evolution
of a line of demarkation was a problem of great intricacy; the
cnnsiderations which promted the several steps of the British in
this regard had perforce due to the ever changing conditons of
time and circumstances, had to be altered and changed frequently.

The principles that guided the British in relation to this
making of a fronier line of strength and permanancy, were two
fangled. One school was the school of Forward Policy and the
other was the Limited Frontier of Close Frontier Policy. Those
British officers who had served in Sindh were favourable to a


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frontier of artificial character, their real intention being that discord might be produced in Afghanistan, and thus gradually to annex Quetta, Kandhár, Kabul and Herat into their Indian possessions. This was the secret intention of those who belonged to the Forward Policy School. The other later known as the Sindh School was composed of those British officers, who had served in the Punjab, and they were syled by their kind as the Defenders of the Road. They were wedded to the Close Border Policy. Their views were that the frontier should be considered as being on the line drawn at the river Abasin or the lene along the mountains; and not a single step may be taken westward beyond that line. This School was some times called the Punjan School as well.
When the English, therefore, advanced from the Ganges basin to the banks of the Indus river; and half of north India came entirely under their imprial rule; the necessity was purgent to produce a boundry line from among the plans of the two schools. One of the three solutions were to be projected.
The line should run along the river Abasin. Secondly that the line should run along the mountains of Sulaiman Koh and Katasr Chur. The third proposal that the line should be the heart of Afghanistan, that to say the Hindu Kush Range.
Prior to our studying these three proposals; let us consider as to what regions the En glish penetration had arrived.
The English proded Ranjit Singh to war against the Afghans, so that the Sikh ruler might weeken the power of the Barakzais and the Saduzais. By this manipulation, it was thought to serve the best interests of the English. The Maharaja was allowed the rule, but as soon as the Sikh died, the English hand immediately grabbed his territoty, so that seven years after Ranjit's death the province of Sindh was taken, and within ten the entire Punjab annexed into the British territory. The annexation of the Punjab was completed in the year 1849, A. D. and then they cosidered that their frontier boundry line westward ran along the right bank of the river Indus and along the western ranges of the mountains of the tribes. This boundry line, which the English considered as their inheritance from


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the Sikhs, and the discussion of that subject requires closer study. This line, however, was the one which passed between the river Indus and the mountains of the tribes on the fringes of the plains-agricultural plains-and the foothills and rocky defiles of the west. In other words, it was a boundry line which divided the agricultural plains from the rocky mountains of the clansmen of Pushtunistan: and the mountain dwellers of the tribes were beyond that line. In spite of the fact that the English territory could be defined as lying beyond that line; that is, on the east and the south-east of the course of the Indus river; and beyond that lay on the north and north-west the independent country of Afghanistan and the independent tribesmen: yet the English sought to establish a firm and permanent frontier line beyond which they may rest secure in their Indian possessions.

As every one knows, and history, geography, literature, legends and traditions bear witness: the natural and pilitical and historical boundry of India is no other than the course of the river Indus which arising in the far north at Gilgit and courses straight down to south till it debauches itself in the Indian ocean. This, line, too, seperates Afghanistan from India; and it is a dividing line, which nature has quite obviously created for that purpose. Historical precedences in this regard are always recorded; and every body knows of this fact. The knowledge of this fact, too, persuades some better informed Englishmen to consider that when they had reached the banks of the Indus, then they have touched their natural boundry line in the west.

Amongst the English officers, the man who accepted the river Abasin as the boundry of their territory was Lord Lawrence, who had a great deal of administrative experience of the Punjab administration. His cry was always "back to the Indus". His views were that Kohat and the protruding areas of the tribes would go beyond the Peshawar area by any other boundry line than the one drawn along the Indus river. Also, that the stationing of British troops in the Peshawar area was not conducive of a healthy life for British troops. For this reason Lord Lawrence considered that the river Indus was the best boundry line .


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He further added that the river Indus was a deep and definite
artery of water, most suitable for a boundry line; in place of an
indefinite thin line along the foothills. Also that the Indus river
constituted a shorter boundry line, and in the expense in its defence
would be much less than for any other land boundry. Under these
circumstances, Lord Lawrence advised the Government of India to
give back the territories of Kohat and Peshawar to Afghanistan.

There is no doubt that some of the English men did not
see eye te eye with Lawrence's suggestions; so thet his suggestions
were made nul and void. Lawrence, howeve, stuck to his views.
As his views were not accepted by Lord Canning, he (Lawrence)
slightly modified his views: and he added that if the river Abasin
could not be taken as the natural boundry line in regards to
geography and history of India; we should atleast not put a
single foot forward beyond those foothills formed the boundry
line of the Sikhs; because beyond that area lie high mountains,
deep valleys and many turning and twisting passes; which would
be difficult to defend, whereas a line along the foothills would be
more secure and the mountains in front of the line would be
a source of defence and strength.

This line which running along the course of the river Indus,
and touching the foothills of the Sulaiman range and Kaiser Ghor,
was the same boundry line which marked the line, where Ranjit
Singh with English incitement had extended his territory during
the internecine wars of the Barakzai Brothers and the Saduzais.
The tribal territory, however, was entirly beyond it. This
boudry line was adopted by the English from the Sikhs in the
year 1849. A. D. It was, too, the line, which according to Lord
Lawrence should be a definite line beyond the English should not
proceed westwards. But as the historical records show, most reg-
retfully due to the military minded officers of the English, bent
on imperial expension, did not accept the wise advice of their
better minds and impelled by the theme Forward Policy proceded
forward into the tribal regions of mountais; and from 1879. A.
D. entered into a policy of aggrersion. Their hidden desire, of
course, was the boundry line should terminate at Kabul, Ghazni


-69-

and even at Heart; but they were unable to execute this nefarious plan, and the boundry line between Afghanistan and In dia remained indefinte.

* * *

NINTH ARTICLE

THE ENGLISH INTEREST IT HERAT MATTERS.

The English after their first interference with matters Afghan, and even after that during the disturbances in the regions of the south of the Hindu Kush; were always at pains to bring Herat and the local Saduzai rule there under their sway. In the years 1837, 1838, and 1839. A. D. their agent, such as Pottinger, Stoddard and Todd in disguise reached Herat. They spent a great deal of money for strengthening of the army there, and in planning tactics in order gain an upper hand in the administration of the city of Herat. None of these manouvres succeeded, and the least amount of preference was not accorded to them by the wise minister of Kamran, one named Yar Mohamed Khan Alkozai. The Vazir did in effect repel the machinations of Russia and those of the Persians through the help of the English, yet with his establisihng offriendly relations with the Persians, he annulled the expansionist policies of England as well.

* * *

Progressively as the East India company marched on the norther regions of India from the Bay of Bengal; its officers saw themselves as the inheritors of the land; and the fertile territories of India to lie at their feet. Along with the expansion of the English power in India and the acquiring of territory; there was at back of their minds, of course, a thought of. the newly annexed areas. The penetraion of the English forces in India leuring the rule of Zaman Shah, and later after the territories of Ranjit Singh fell into their lot; mattrs so contrved that their implications were seen during such periods of our history as at the time of the rule of Shah Mahmud, Shahshuja, again during the rule of Shahshuja, then during the time of Amir Doust Mohamed Khan and Shuja and


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once again when Doust Mohmed Khan and Shuja and once again when Doust Mohamed Khan was on the throne. So that they reached Peshawar, Dera Ismail Khan, Shikar Pour: and that due to the internecine wars in Afghanistan, the introduction of foreign forces was made clear to the extent of their being in possesion of three most important cities of Afghanistan, namely Kabul, Kandahar; and eyes were being cast towards Herat.

Contemporary to the English activities in India: or indeed, a little earlier than that period: the imperialist designs of the Czarist Russia were making themselves felt amogst the Khanates of Central Asia; so that the Russian imperialist thrust was proceeding south wards towards the banks of the Oxus.

There is, of course, little doubt that the English, when they were still not further west than the Punjab; and as early as the reign of Zaman Shah in Afghanistan; were rather apprehensive about the designs of Napoleon and Czars of Russia; and that when they managed to contain the Afghan progress behind the mountains of Afghanistan; and they themselves became the undispured monarchs of India; the fear gripped them for they had then to protect a much larger part of their possessions. The aggression of the English in Afghanistan was due to the fear in the hearts of their imperiallistically inclined officers regarding the western defence of their territories.

In any case when after 1836. A. D. Afghanistan was divided into several local principalities; the Russians of the Czarist regime and the Persians under Kachars joineds hand in order to inroad into the Afghan territory with a view to possessing the city of Herat. The political heads of the East India Company in Bengal seeing the danger of the Russio-Persian alliance against Herat, were bent upon doing everything possible to see that the Russio-Persian designs were defeated. But that which had made the English more anxicus than ever was the condition of internal affairs in Afghanistan itself In Kabul, Kandahar and Herat local governments had been set up; and the enimosity of Barakzai brothers and the Saduzais had contributed to the creation of a separate kingdom by Kamran at Herat.


- 71 -
Both the English and the Russians had sent their envoys to Kabul:
and in the winter of 1837. A. D. Burns came as an envoy of the En
glish to the court of Amir Doust Mohamed Khan, and the Russian
determined not to be left behind sent their envoy in the person of
one named Vakuvich.

The danger point, according to the English was just that city
of Herat. Mr. Macneil, the English envoy in Tehran wrote a letter
to the English governor-general in Calcutta in 1836.A.D. regarding
the Russio-Persian designs regarding Herat. From that date onwards
the statesmen of English were giving a great deal of attention to the
consideration of the Herat Question; and since that period it is that
we are introduced to such a person Major Edward Pottinger.

Major Pottinger, who belonged to the Artillery secton of Bo-
mbay reached Afghanistan in 1836. A.D. or in the beginning of 1837,
and after a protected stay in Kabul at the house of Nawab Jabbar
Khan, journyed towards Herat by way of Hazarajat; where he reach-
ed in the summer of 1837. A.D. and contacted Kamran and his
powerful minister, Yar-Mohamed Khan.

There is little doubt that the local king of Herat, Kamran,
noting the difficulties that faced him was in need of help. There
were no less than thirty to forty thousand troops of Mohamed Shah
Kachar with some Rusian volunteers, and led by Russian, Italian
and even French officers. Pottinger, as the representative of the East
India company, who were always solicitous of the defence
problem of India; was ready to render any help that was to be
asked from the English. Under the instructions of the English offi-
cer, the Saduzai ruler attended to the defence walls of Herat and
adjusted military matters under his advice; till ultimately the tro-
ops of Mohamed Shah Kachar of Persia led by the Russian officers
beseiged Herat on 23rd. November of 1838. A.D. This seige lasted
for ten months; that is to say beginning from the winter of 1837 to
the spring and summer of 1838. A. D. Kamran was almost ready to
acceed to certain points of the enemy, but his minister resited any
such appeasement, and Major Pottinger gave all kinds of advice tow-
ards till the most determind attack led by the Russian general Bur-


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oviski on 24th. June 1838. A. D. was repulsed; and ultimately the Persians beat a retreat actually from the proximity of the city walls in 8th. September 1838. and retired to Tehran,

There is no doubt that the real purpose of Pottengir and of his higher officers was to to strengthen the forces of the Saduais; and to restrict the plans of the Russio-Persian aggression towards Herat and in other perts of Afghanistan. When, however, the problem of aggression from the west on the part of the Russians and the Persians had solved itself; Lord Ackland lifted the curtain from his real designs, designs, which were to interpere in Afghanistan's local and domestic affairs; and English troops, in the name of Shahshuja entered the kingdom of Afghanistan. The English had it in view that in addition to placing Kabul and Kandahar under their to put the local Saduzai king of Herat under the suzerainty of Shahshuja. But here they excercised some care and did not actively interfers with Kamran's affairs, for they were afraid of a man like Yar Mohamed Khan, who was regarded as the Nepoleon of Central Asia. and the Greatest Warrior in Central Asia. Still, in order to test the situation they made certain proposals, and two other English officers: namely Stoddard and Major Todd were sent out to Herat for purpose.

After the termination of the seige of Herat, Pottinger used to help Kamran financially; and Colonel Stoddard was sent out to Herat further to increase the influence of the English in that locality: the king was persuaded to their view to an extent , but the man who could pierce the outer curtains of diplomacy was the self same Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan, who was aware of the inner meanings of it all. Nor would he be persuaded by money. Stoddard, however, due to the obstraction of the Vazir did not succeed in his mission and started towards Bokhara. There he was taken prisoner. Pottinger remained alone in Heat. This English officer wanted to have a unit under his command at Herat, and the expenses of that force would be paid by the East India Company. But Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan did not agree to it. The Vazir as far as was possible took the English gold to protect his country from the aggression of the Persians; but after the lifting of the seige of


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Herat, the Vazir did not countanence the views of the English; and indeed, things passed to the stage, when Yar Mohammed Khan actually showed himself friendly again towards the Persians.

The attitude of the minister of Kamran towards the English, compelled the English to send another envoy to Herat; so that Mr. Todd who was at one time the English military Attacheat Tehran and an assistent in the military section of the administraion of Magnauton in Kabul was sent to Herat in 1839. A. D. Major Todds promises for larger sums were just proportion to that which they wanted in "preference" for the English interests. But Yar Mohamad Khan, who had discovered their week point, intensified his friendship with the Persians all the more; and further money from the English. At last Todd was asked to leave Herat . Major Todd with all his experience in political wanggling and military skill was declared as unsuccessful in all his plans. Due to his failure he was placed in the disfavour of the Governor-General, and he was degraded in his rank and positon. Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan was successful in all his plans and was able to protect his country from the schemes of the foreigners. It is to be noted that whilst practically the whole of Afghanistan of the time had come under the influence of the English ; the sagacious Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan kept Herat atleast outside the orbit of the English penetration and influence.

* * *

THE STRUGGLE OF TWO SIRDAR IN CAPTURING OF KABUL.

TWENTIETH ARTICLE

The collaps of the Saduzai government , and the coming up of the Barakzai Brothers rule over Afghanistan were managed by stages, and gradually. The term of affice of Sirdar Feteh Khan, and the rule of Shah Mahmud is a period in Afghan history in which both houses of these nobles had co-operatee and worked tobether for their country. But the assassination of Sirdar Fateh Khan destroyed that spirit of co-operation ; so that all the Barakzai Brothers now sought to avenge the wrong, these activities of the Barakzais,


-74-
in time took the shape of installing of their own principalities in three points in Afghanistan: in Peshawar, in Kandahar and in Kabul. In all these three localities, however, Kabul was the most important. For the capturing of that premier locality first of all Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed khan made their individual efforts. Sirdar Doust Mohamed khan however managed to secure that coveted honour and established a Barakzai reigning dynasty.

In the thirteenth article of this review under the title of "TWO KINGS IN ONE PALACE," we had said some thing about the subject; and the readers must have noted as to how Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan had journey one after another to Kabul to avenge the death of their brother Fateh Khan. The two Sirdars faced each other in a different manner. Each of these had installed a prince of their own choice for kingship. Each of these princes was the son of Timour Shah, the previous king of Afghanistan; the one selected by Doust Mohamed Khan was one named Ayub and the other Sultan Ali was selected by Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan. Each of these Sirdars had elected himself as the minister of the realm of their protige. The real fact is after the defeat of Kamran and Shah Mahmud near the villagee of Hindiki and their flight towards Herat; and the good impression that had obtained in regards to the descendents of Payanda Khan and his relatives; the two above mentioned Sirdars were regarded as the most competent future rulers of Afghanistan.

There is little doubt, of course, that amongst all the Barak-Zai Brothers, Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan was the most experienced, the eldest and the man of considerable influence; and practically every one acknowledged his excellent qualities. But as Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan, though younger, was in a more advantageous position: because he had been more under the training of his father: and he was a man of qualities of his own as a person who could time things, could manoeuvar matters to his will and a statesman no mans small calibre. After Fateh Khan he would not acknowle-


-75-
dge any body's acendence upon himself. During their short stay
at Kabul, these two Sirdar busied themselves in ripening their resp-
ective scemes; and even sought each other's life blood. Nawab Samad
Khan, however, tried to recile them; till Shahshuja rose as
another claiment in Sindh at Shikarpour; which assisted in diver-
ting their attention to him. All the Barakzai Brotheres, whether at
Kubl or at Kandahar now banded themselvve to oppose him.

But such an alliance was short lived, for again at Kandahar,
at Shikar Pour and Gazni the animosity of these Sirdars-as above
mentione-made its appearance. In Kabul both influence and money
backed Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, therefore, the capital difficult
place to work in; Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan tried to raise the
people against Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan at such various loc-
ations as Kohistan, Gazni; and eyden endeavours were made to raise
the standard of revolt at Kabul. These smaller revolts, were really
a kind of a ruse inorder that Doust Mohamed Khan should get
money from his brother, Mohamed Azeem Khan, and thus indirectly
to add to his personal interets.

There is no doubt that due to this internecine warfare, the
Sikhs found themselves in a position to take advantage of the situation
in Afghanisan; so that they brought under their rule such areas as
Dera Jat and Peshawar whilst the Afghan brothers contested in
Kabul. At last Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan forgetting the affairs
of contest against his brothers launched out to oppose the Sikhs
in Peshawar; and died at Lata Bund by dysentry at the age of 38
years; and was burried at the shrine of Mazar Ashiqan and Arfan.

At the time of the death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan,
the government of Kabul was in the hands of Ayub Shah; but
the real work of the administration was taken over by Habibullah
Khan, the son of Sirdar Azeem Khan, who had inherited the wea-
lth of his father. It is at ime, too, when Sirdar Pur Dil Khan and
Shair Dil Khan of Kandahar took the road to Kabul. Although
at a later stage thes two Sirdars clashed with Doust Mohamed Khan;
yet in the first instance as the result of a consolidated attack,
the puppet king-Ayub Shah-was removed and Habibullah Khan was
flung into the dungeon. Various schemes were set on foot amongst


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the Barakzai Brotheas regarding the apportioning of Afghanistan.
A group of them took over the regions of Peshawar and Kand-
ahar; and Doust Mohamed Khan was given Kohistan to administer.
It is, also the time, when Sirdar Shair Dil Khan taking the lar-
gest share of the late Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan's fortune
from his son Habibullah Khan, left for Kandahar. Ataullah Khan,
the governor of Peshawar taken ill, and sirdar Yar Mohamed Khan
died; and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan was made the governor of
Kabul on his behalf. The last tussel between Sirdar Doust Mohamed
Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan, the first being the gov-
ernor of Kohistan and the last named the Governor of Kabul,
began in the year 1243. A. H. ( 1827. A. D. ) Sirdar Sultan Moh-
amed Khan was surrounded at Bala Hisar. A pact was signed by
which Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan was to receive one lakhs of
rupees annually from the Kabul revenue; and Sultan Mohamed
Khan left the citadel from one gate, and Sirdar Doust Mohamed
entered it by another. Doust Mohamed Khan, in addition, took
over the rulership of Kabul for himself.

If we were to study closely the conditions of the time and
the activities of the Barakzai Brothers in Kandahar and Peshawar,
we would note that fate also played a favourable part for Doust
Mohamed Khan; in this way that when Sirdar Shair Dil Khan
took Kabul, he sent his uncle one named Khudai Nazar Khan with
Ghayas Khan Alkozi, that they should get all that money which
the documents revealed that Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan had
upon the people. These two messengers used cruel methods to
methods to exhort the money so that the people of Kabul having
been distracted, approached Sirdar Shair Dil Khan, who in place of
roviding a re-dress upbraided them; and this occasioned a conflict
between the Kabulis and the Sirdar. Accordig to his plans, ther
efore, Sirar Shair Dil Khan, appointed Doust Mohamed Khan as
the governo of Kohistan; placed Sirdar Yar Mohamed Khan at
the head of the affairs at Kabul and he himself left for Kandahar.

When Sirdar Dil Khan left for Kandhar, the people of Kabul
felt very relieved; and as they had been annoyed wih him, his
representaives also ahared in that unpopularity: Sirdar Dust Mohamed


- 77 -
Khan taking advantage of the situation, of course, added fuel to
the fire and incited the enraged people; thus trying to win them
over to his side. Time marched, till, in the beginning of the yrar
1239. A. H. Sirdar Yar Mhan due to illness and persuation of his
brother Sidar Ata Mohamed Khan left for Peshawar and placed
Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan in charge of .Kbaul

Sirrdar Doust Mohsmed Khan, who wattched the opportunity
at Kohisistan in the north of Kabul; seeing the unpopularity of
the governor at Kabul, and the help that he could receive from
the Kohistanis Kabul and went straight to Bala Hisar and took
thaf historical citedal. SdarSuiltan Mohtmed Khan went to Pes-
hawar and Doust Mohamed Khan became the Amir of Kabul.

* * *

THE MEETING OF AND CLASH OF AYUB
SHAH AGAINST PURDIL KHAN
AT BALA HISAR
TWENTY FIRST ARTICLE
Amongst those many drama c incidents which had taken place
at Bala Hisar, is the meeting of Ayub Shah, the son of Timour
Shah; and Sirdar Purdil Khan, the son of Sirdar Paynnda Khan .
The first section was his son Prince Ismail; and the other Sirdar
Mihr Ali Khan. The king and the prince were compelled to meet
the Barak zai Sirdars of Kandahar but cantrary to the condi-
tions as laid down which stipulated that Sirsdar Pur dil Khan come
alone; he brought his brother and other of his companions, too,
into the citedal. The puurpose of the meeting ostensibly was about
the power over the throne and government and the wealth
appertaining to it, and antagonism had attainea his highest point,
matters went to far as to firing and use of fire arms; and this
use of fire arms caused causualities. It such surcharged condions,
quite naturally, whosoever, took the first aggressive steep, won; ; ;
this the reader would see after reading this article.


-78-

It in the Thirteenth article, under the title TWO KINGS IN
ONE PALACE we had given details, as to how two kings, one put
up by Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan - one named Ayub Shah - and
the other placed at the head of the government as a pupper king
by Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan - Sultan Ali Shah, lived not only
in one realm, in one city but shared the same palace.

There can be little doubt that this anomolous position was
created through the personal interests of two men namely Sirdar
Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan ; for each
of these had placed two little known princes upon the throne, only
to rule in their name themselves. These schemes were projected for
gaining personal power and personal satisfaction of the two above
mentioned ; and inwardly they, of course, were thirsty for each ot-
hers blood. The two Sirdars worked at their respective designs, and
each “king” in his turn did everything in his path. Sirdar Doust
Mohamed Khan, howevere, began to work this plan ; and although
he tried hard to persuade his protege to the act, Sultan Ali Shah
did not take his mentor's advice and commit an actual act of assas-
sination against his rival Ayub Shah. In point of fact, he actually took
offence at the suggestion of his Vazir-Doust Mohamed Khan-on that
score. As opposed to this, the schemes of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem
Khan, worked as he desired, for he so made it known that, if Ayub
Shah manage to do away with his rival “king”, Sirdar Mohamed
Azeem Khan, too, on his part do all that he could do, to make short
work of his rival brother, Doust Mohamed Khan. It so happened,
therefore, that prince Ismail, the son of Ayub Shah managed to kill
the rival “king” of his father. But having done that foul deed, Ayub
Shah now held Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan upto his bargain, and
asked him to kill his brother Doust Mohamed Khan; but the later
refused to do so. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, however, did not
desist from opposing Doust Mohamed Khan in a fair fight, as it
were. A series of struggles, therefore, rose between Sirdar Mohamed
Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan at such diverse pla-
ces as Ghazni, Astalif, Shikar Pour and at Peshawar. These struggles
took on such proportions that the Barakzai Brothers now thought of
apportioning the kingdom among themselves. The foreigners, especi-
ally the Sikhs, made a great harvest out of this discord of the


- 79 -
realm; so that Ranjit Singh took the beautiful Valley of Kashmir:
with slight difficulty from Jabbar Khan. After Jabbar Khan, the first
governor of Kashmire was one named Moti Ram. The Sikh Maharaja
took so much courage out of the discord that he even prepetuated
aggression on the territories right of the river Indus ; and wretled
Dera Ghazi Khan from of the hands of Nawab Mohamed Zaman
Khan. The unfortunate fact was that at this time the Sirdars were
in conflict amongst themselves in various parts of the country. Till
gradually the Sikhs continued to proceed on their aggression and
reached so far west as the neighbourhood of Attock and indeed to
the lower reaches of the river Kabul. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan,
who due to the anxiety of his money that he had near Killa Majina,
when faced with the Sikhs accepted defeat; and ultimately died on
his way to Kabul. All his fortune was bequethed to his son Habi-
bullah Khan.

When the days of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan were coming
to a close, he revealed the sources of all his fortune, and took a
promise from his son, Habibullah Khan, that after his death, he
(his son) will spend all that money in a war of revenge against the
the Sikhs. He was, ofcourse, aware that his son was not competent
to rule, Sirdar Mohamed Azoem Khan placed his son under the
the tutelage of his unble Nawab Khan.

A time when Ayub Shah, and Sirdar Habibullah Khan-one a
king and another the son of a Sirdar-came face to face at Kabul.
Each considered himself the ineritor of his father. The "king" was,
as we know that puppet, who was set up on the throne by the fa-
ther of Habibullah Khan. On the death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem
Khan a curious situation obtained at Kabul. All the Barakzai Bro-
thers, whether in Pashawar or at Kandahar anxiously watched the
turn of events. All of them, quite naturally, were intessely, interes-
ted in all future developments; because power and riches-of Ayub
Shah and of Habibullah Khan-had now centered at one and the
same citedal; but the ultimate future was completely unknown as to
who will secure what.


-80-

It is rlated that as soon as the news of the death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan reeched Kandahar; Sirdar Pur Dil Khan immediately resolved to set out for Kablul. He took his brother Mihr Dil Khan with him. Ayub Shah was still unceartain of his son Prince Ismail whose hands were stained with the blood of the rival of his father, overcome by his greed, persuaded his father Ayub Shah to kill Habiullah Khanl and to secure the vast riches of the son of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan. Ayub Khan, however, did not agree to the scheme. Meantime Pur Dil Khan appeared in the arena and atonce desired that the king should see him at Bala Hisar. Ayub Shah agreed to grant the intervew, but made the conditon that he should come alone; and during the audience there should be no one else withh him The gateway of Bala Hisar was opened, and a number of the companions of Pur Dill Khan most of them being Kohstanis entered along with Sirdr Pur Dil Khan in the citedal, and attacked the district of the Arabs. In front of the gateway, which lead to the king's own palace the same scene was hnacted; so that in place of Pur Dil Khan alone shoule have entered, Michr Dil Khan and a number of sundry followers also entered the Royal precints; ans actually arrived at the place where Ayub Shah and his son prince Ismail were awaiting their solitary guest. Ordinary conversation soon led to heated scenes, and certin indications of bad temper on the part of the Sirdars, made the king and his son rather doubtful of their designs. As they were fully prepred for any trouble, they levelled the barrels of their guns against the chests of the sirdars; but the followers soon dvierted the guns away from the dirction of the Sirdars; so that the Audience Hall was transfered to a scene of massacre; and as the result of the use of firing, the king and the prince and one other person was killed and another was killed and another was wounded. The whole situation was disturbed. Then they fell upon the king; in the melee the prince Ismail was killed and the king was flung into dungen; of the Bala Hisar citedal. As a result of this tragedy, one of the most dreadful acts aginst the last smallest Saduzi was ended. The king was subjected to all sorts of cruelitirs till he had to pay one lakh of rupees to Sirdat Pur Dil Khan; and a man by the name of


-18-
From the direction of Kabul Asad Khan, the brother of Fateh
Khan moved eastwards; whilst Abdul Karim Khan was hurying
with his relieving force from Peshawar. But as the distance between
Jagdalik and Kabul was a short one, Asad Khan arrived at the
fort, where Zaman Shah was detained, much quicker than the re-
lieving force. Zaman Shah hid all jewels, together with the famous
Koh-i-Noor, in a whole of the wall. The day not dawned, when
Nawab Asad Khan arrived at the gateway of the fort, and captured
the king; the king,s eyes wers taken out; and he was flung in the
dungeon at Kabul at the command of Mahmud. The kings favourite
and other of his companions were all assassinated. The barbarious
act opend a gateway of grave conflict between the real brother
of Zaman Shah-Shahshuja-and Mahmud, the step-brother of the
unfortunate king Zaman Shah.
Ashiq, the Shinwari, who was the author or this nefarious act,
did not reap the fruit of his treachery. The theree years of Shah
Mahmud's reign terminated the reign of Mahmud prestige at the
hands of Shahshuja; and the very act which Shahshuja perfor-
med was to arrest Ashiq, and had him hung. The valuable diamond,
Koh-i-Neor, which had remained hidden in a hole in the wall of
the fort, was at last dicovered and handed over to Shahshuja.
Note: According to some historical sources, like Tarikh Sultani,
and Tufat-ul Habib Zaman Shah Sadozai, when imprisoned in the
fort of the Shinwari Ashiq; the king placed the Kon-i-Noor and
other jewels in a secret hole in a wall; and threw the Fukhraj
in a riverlet.
HUMAYUN.
SIXTE ARTICLE
Prince Hamayun was the governor of Kandahar during the
reign of his father, Tamour Shah; and he considered himself the
most competent person to sit upon the throne of his father, des-
pite the number of his father's son being noless than


--82--
elddest brother Vazir Fateeh Khan; and after rising to avenge the death of their brother banded themselves together against Shah Mahmud, Kamran and Shahshuja at Kandahar and at Herat, had in the stide of things eliminated their rivals. The influence of the Saduzis only remained paramount at Herat under Shah Mahmud and Kamran; but more particularly due to the strong rule of Yar Mohamed Khan. The rest of the country, including Kandahar, and Kabul came under influence. When the power was slipping out of the hands of the Saduzais, the Barakzai Brothers continued to muster in the region of Kandahar, Kabul and Peshawar; each of the group went its way to create a center at an important city in the country, inorder to make a place for himself to rule; so that one section was named as the Peshawari Brothers and others were known as the Kandari Brothers. In Kabul the position was of a different kind, for here two of the most important nobles of this Barakzai branch leaped in the arena as contestents: name Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan. The various tactics of the contests of these two important Sirdar had been detailed in this series of articles.

The untimely death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, gave the hope that the struggle between these rivals would then be automatically be decided in favour of the one who lived; namely Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan; and the people who had been drawn in two camp, and were auxious and disturbed would find a release from these un-necessary family fued. Unfortunately, however, the matter could not be solved with such easy. The death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan created more grave a situation; and dangerous position became more dangerous. The interplay of power and wealth, which had amalgamated in the city of Kabul; that is wealth ot the late Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan now being in the hands of his son Habibullah Khan: and the power being centered in the hands of the puppet King Ayub Shah produced further complications in which the Kandahari Brothers had to interfere. During that time the Sikhs had deated the forces of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan after the battle of Machina but Sardar yar Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan were permitted to hold these lands as a vassallage


-83-

and in Kandahar, Sirdar Pur Dil Khan and Sirdar Shair Dil Khan
had their headqurtars. These two wante to terminate the rule of
the Saduzis at Herat; but they were not successful.

As the generl conditions of the country was of that character
at the time, and we had said above that Sirdar Hubibullah Khan
as the son and heir of the late Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan; and
Ayub Shah as the “king”, each at his place considered themselves
as a Minister of the Realm and the king of the country centered at
Kabul. But each was struggling against the other. Quite naturrlly
all the Sirdars of Kandahar were awaiting the turn of events; for
all thought some thing must break; till Pur Dil Khan, either with
he connivance or otherwise of Sirdar Habibullah Khan, started for
Kabul; with the result that Ayub Shah was imprisoned and his son
was killed; which brought the Saduzai rule in Kabul to a close;
and Sirdar Habibullah Khan beacame the ruler of Kabul without a
rival-atleast without a rival at the time of the crime of Pur Dil
Khan. But affairs could not be decided finally in this way; for at
a time, when Kabul, Kandahar, Herat and Peshawar groups had no-
thing in common with each other; the whole scene of activity pro-
duced a fuedal contests all over the country; for over half a century.
Pur Dil Khan took a share of affairs at Kabul left for Kandahar
and the moneyed Habibullah Khan was left in peace long, till Sirdar
Doust Mohamed Khan, finding that his rival was not upto his sta-
ture, raise the standard of revolt against Habibullah Khan; and
uncle and nephew now were at logger heads wifh each other. The
struggle was now open and voilent, and although with the intercession
of such men as Nawab Jabbar Khan and Nayab Aminullah Khan
Logari, Doust Mohamed Khan's case was in the farourable scale of
balance; and when it appeared that he would succeed, Habibullah
Khan and his brother Mohamed Akram Khan appealed to their other
uncle, Shair Dil Khan to assist them; upon which Sirdar Shair Dil
Khan reached Kabul. Ita ppeared in the first instance that Shair Dil
Khan had his own plans; and through his machination, he wanted
to destroy the plans of both of the contestents-Doust Mohamed Khan
and Habibullah Khan-an to secure Kabul for himself. At a time when
conditions all over the country were indefinte, and each noble wa-


- 84 -
nted to look to his interest: thus he desired that he should now
get Kabul as his prize. He also wanted that for all the Sirdars,
landed property and shares of the proceeds of the realm could be
apportioned ; so that the affairs of the country could be united and
external dangers could be faced with a hope of winning the strug-
gle ; possibly againt the Sikhs. Shair Dil Khan, however, managed
to imprison both Habibullah Khan and Dous Mohamed Khan
at Bala Hisar ; but soon releasing them pronounced his award in the
sense that Habibullah Khan was sent out to Logar ; and to Doust
Mohamed Khan one Lakh of rupees were given from the inhertence
of the late Sirdar Azeem Khan, and in addition he was made a go-
vernor of Kohistan and Ghazni. Inspite of it all, the final settlement
could not be arrived at ; and battles took place between him and
Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan in the environments of Bala Hisar, at
Shah Shaheed and Beeni Nizar and on the hills of Marunjan. When
the fighting men of the contestents were busy in battle against each
other, the Sirdars used to come together in the tent of Nawab
Samad Khan to discuss their various poins of dispute ; till it was
ultimately decided that Sirdar Shair Dil Khan was to be considered
as the head of the Barakzi Brothers ; and to all other brothers vari-
ous portions of property and activities were appotioned:

Inasmuch as the Peshawar area could be sufficient for five
brothers, namely Yar Mohamed khan, Sultan Mohamed khan, Ata
Mohamed Khan, Said Mohamed Khan and Pir Mohamed Khan; it
was decided the last three persons should continue to profit
by the revenue of that area; and the two yar Mohamed Khan
and Sultan Mohamed Khan should return to Kabul. The rulership of
Kohistan and Ghazni was deputed to Sirdar Doust Mohamed
Khan and his real brother Sirdar Amir Mohamed Khan; the
first named was to be the governor of Kohistan, ind Amir Mohamed
Khan was to be the governor of Ghazni: Nawab Jabhar Khan
was to be the governor of Lughman; and Nawab Asad Khan
was to be in charge of the remaining portion of the area
of Dera Jat; Sirdar Shair Dil Khan, his real brothers such
as Kuhin Dil Khan, and Mihr Dil Khan were to be responsible
for Kandahar; and their fifth brother Raham Dil Khan was


— 85 —
to rule over Sindh; Nawab Zaman Khan the son of Nawed Samad
Khan was made the governor of Jalalabad; and Habibullah
Khan the son of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, who was really
responsible for all this discord and trouble, was made responsible
for Logar. Sirdar Shair Dil Khan after dividing the country
in this fashion-which may be called the scheme of Sirdar shair Dil
Khan- left for Kandahar and died in the month of Muharram 1242.
A.H. (1856.A.D) The death of Sirdar shair Dil Khan, and death of other
Sirdars like Yar Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Rahmdil Khan, as well
as other circumstance that came into being, occasioned the producing
another Scheme of Apportionment.

THE SCHEME OF 1242. A. H.
ARTICLE TWENTY THIRD

At the time when the position of the Saduzai rule had become
very feeble at Kabul, and that it ultimately completely disappea-
red; and when Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan becoming powerful in
the central part of the country, the Barakzai Brothers and their
descendents several times resorted to the apportioning of the
country as their personal property. The reason of this was the
large number of the descendents and relatives; and every one
of them wanted a share according to his own relatives and their
numbers. This state of affairs unfortunately created a spirit of
fuedal system of government; but the matter came to be
better pass with the advent and the growing power of Amir
Doust Mohamed Khan.

In the article number twenty two, we had given some details
about the apportioning of the country into several parts amongst
the Sirdars and their sons; this scheme was evolved after the
death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan; which was ultimately res-
olved during the life of Sirdar Shair Dil Khan.
When Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed
Khan were in a secret conflict with each other over the ruling


-86-
power of Kabul, all the other Barakzai Brothers at Kandahar were
awaiting the outcome of the struggle. Those Sirdars who were
in Peshawar, too, watched the day of a final clash or agreement
between Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Mohamed Azeem
Khan. This attitude of expectations continued for the other Sirdrs
did not want to complicate themselves in an affair, which ult-
imately must be solved one way or the other, this con-
tinued till Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan died; and his sudden death
altered the stiuation rapidly; because as the balance deserted
Kabul as a center; those Barekzai Brothers, who lived more
or less contently at Kandahar and at Peshawar, now took a deeper
interest in the affair of Kabul. From Kandahar, therefore, first
Sirdar Pur Dil Khan, and then Sirdar Shair Dil Khan entered Kabul.
The interference of the Sirdars of Kandahar, quite naturally had to
decide the struggle which raged between Sirdar Habibullah Khan
theson of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan ane Sirdar Doust Mohame
Khan. All this produced a struggle; which occasioned animosity between
the Barakzai Sirdars and disturbed the peace of the mind of the
people. Ultimately Sirdar Shair Dil Khan produced a scheme of Apporti-
oning which had been discribed in the article number twenty two.
Inspite of the fact that to each brother vast enougt property had been
given, the outward appearance did not portray the inner feelings
of their hearts; for as expectations of greater magnitude were in in
the hearts of these men; conditions arose, which made the operations
scheme of Shair Dil Khan nul and void. There could be done nothing
else than to evolve a frseh Scheme

Sirdar Shair Dil Khan after laying down his plans, left for Kan-
dahar; and in the month of Muhharum of 1242. A. H. he did. As
Kabul, according to his scheme was given to Sirdar Yar Mohamed
Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan; the first named Sirdar took
over the government of Kadul into his hands, and other of their bro-
thers like Ata Mohamed Khan,Said Mohamed Khan and Pir Mohamed
Khan remained as before at Peshawar. Later on when Sirdar Ata
Mohame Khan died, Sirdar Yar Mohamed Khan took over the govern-
ment ot Peshawar, and gave the government of Kabul to his brother
Sultan Mohamed Khan: although according to the scheme,Sirdar Doust


- 87 -
Mohamed Khan was given the government of Kohistan and Sirdar Amir Mohamed Khan was made the ruler of Ghazni, but Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan, who for long had cherished the rulership of Kabul (and according to that view the problem of fuedal system could have solved itself there by ) those battles which he had fought about the governorship of Kabul against Sirdar Moham ed Azeem Khan, he with his son Sirdar Habibullah Khan and later against Pur Dil Khan and Shair Dil Khan; were now re-strtaed with Sultan Mohmed Khan. Engagments for the possession of Kabul, which took plact between two Sirdars and two brothers resulted in Sirdar Doust Mohamee Khan, backed as he with Kohistans, and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan took Kabul.

The matter could not be allowed to go unheeded by other Barakzai Brothers ; therefore, not desiring further bloodshed ; it was decided to evolve a fresh Scheme of Apportionment of the country. This took place on the 10 th of the month ot Rabeeh Us-Sani 1242 A. H. and was duly signed. A few lines of that Document, which is a ducument of considerable historical importance - and now reposes in the Kabul Museum - we quote below :

"As at this time the date being 10th of the Month of Rabeeh us-Sani the year one thousand and two hundred and fortytwo, and in view of the differences that have arisen between us the Brothers, and the city of Kabul - the capital - has fallen to the arms of Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan; all the brothers and nephews have gathered together for the purpose of reconciliation and peaceful settlement and the welfare of the family ; We have, thus arrived at a settlement as herebelow for the management of the country : Kohat, anb Anko and its dependencies should be taken in hand by Nawab Abdus Samad Khan ; the region of Peshawar, Hashnagar and Khalisajat etc. appertaining to theme are to be managed by Sirdard Yar mohamed Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan, Sirdar Said Mohamed Khan ; Sirdar Pir Mohamed Khan ; and the capital city of Kabul and Kohda-man and Khalisajat and its dependencies to be under Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Amir Mohamed Khan; and the revenue of the Ghilzi of the Capital should be for Nawab Abdul Jabbar Khan;


-88-
the region of Jalalbad and Tajika Lughman should be in the own-ership of Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan and his brothers ; and the region of Lohgar and Churkh and Tajika Maydan and Khalisiah Lah-urgar to be for Sirdar Habibullfa Khan , sn Sirdar Mohamed Akram Khan and his brothers ; so that in this way each of them, his terr-itory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

It has been noted that this Schem of Apportioning was made about 127 . years ago amongst the sons anI grandson of Sirdar Pay-unda Khan, when Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan had taken Kabul after much trouble and no little expense. The purpose of this Agreement was that Brothers should no longar feel dis-satisfied. In this Agreement, as may be noticed there is no reference about the Sirdars of Kandahar; whereas in an earlier Agreement there is distinct reference regarding the property in Kandahar and the appointment of Sirdar Rahm Dil Khan as the governor of Sindh. The important point, which emerges from this new Agreement of the Sirdars is that in 1242 . A . H . Accord all these Sirdars were satisfied with their share; and no reference made regarding their property in the document. The reality of the fact is that the Agreement propounded by Sirdar Shair Dil Khan, which had come into being as the result of the interference of the Kandahari Sardars; and their shares as befitted was given to them; and these sharehol-ders, after the death of Sirdar Shair Dil Khan were not desirous of any thing else. The spirit of the 1242 . A . H . agreement was that a reconcilattory feeling should be brought in the atmosphere between Sirdar Doast Mohamed Khan and those Sirdards who lived at Pesh-awar such as ( Sirdar Yar Mohamed Khan and Sirdar Sultan Mohamed K-han) the last named had a share in the Kabul administartion. This agre-ement, in affect, did produce that spirit of co-operation which it had in viwe. This agreement contrived to give opportunity and power enough to proclaim his rule in Kabul, and to extricate the affairs from frequent fuedal discord and difficulties and the system of fuedal system was removed


- 89 -
SIRDAR KOHIND DIL KHAN & THE KANDAHAR
GOVERNMENT.
Article twenty forth

The subject of the government of Kandahar rose from the time, when the Erothers had not yet aquired power at the central goverhmant; and thus, they had agreed to apportion the territory amongest the brothers. During the first period of the rule of Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan and at the time when Kamran, the Sadozai king was ruling at Herat: Kandahar was in the hands of the Kandahari Sirdars. One of the reasons of the success of the English aggression in this country, was undeniably the system of apportioning of the territory amongst the Earakzai people. After the expulsion of the English from the country, Sirdar Kohind Dil Khan took Kandahar from the hands of the sons of Shahshuja, and established his power and rule at Kandahar. After his death, however, Amir Doust Mohamed Khan, brought the two sections of the country, namely Kandahar and Herat under his suzerianty for the purpose of the unity of the kingdem.

Amongst the sons of Sirdar Payunda Khan, a number were from a Ghilzi mother namely Pur Dil Khan, Shair Dil Khan, Kohin Dil Khan, Mahr Dil Khan and Rahm Dil Khan; and these brothers were Known as the Sirdars of Kandahar. This appallation had been given to them merely because of the locality of their residence as Kandahar.

When Vazir Fateh Khan, through his efforts and help was able to secure the kingdom for Shah Mahmud the Saduzai for the second time: and installed himself as the Chief Minister; he brought his brothers into the avenues of government administration; so that Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan was appointed as governor at Kandahar: Sirdar Rahm Dil Khan at Bluchistan and finally Shair Dil Khan was appointed the administrator at Ghazni. when the appalling incident of blinding of Vazir Fateh Khan on the order of Prince Kamran at Herat occurred; the Sirdars Shair Dil Khan and Kohin Dil Khan betook themselves to their mother at Naad Ali near Lui Addi: and when Shah Mahmud was defeated by Doust Mohamed Khan at the Killa Qazi: the sons of Lui Addi attacked Kan-


- 90 -

ahar, and took that city from Shah Mahmud 's governor one named Gul Mohamed Khan Popul Zai.

From that day onward the influence of these Sirdars in Kandahar continued unabated.

According to the details that had been given in several articles of this series under various headings; after the incident of the securing of a rulership at Herat by Shah Mahmud the Sadu Zai; the remaining Parts of Afghanistan came under the influence of the Barakzai Brothers. Immediately, these Barakzai Sirdars, therefore, started on the scheme of creating a center of government in the regions then in their Power. These endeavours started from 1818 to 1843.A.D. when ultimately Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan became the ruler of Afghanistan. Events that arose during the two above mentioned dates; are replexte with internecine struggles and wars; which were in the nature of a kaleidoscope: for after the death of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan a series of incidents took place at Kabul which without exception attracted the interests of the Sirdars of Kandahar and of Peshawar and these took such ugly turns and would have precipitated grave consequences unless the Scheme of 1238.A.H. and 1242.A-H. saved the sintation at Kabul and in the country. The first Scheme of 1238 A.H. is known as the Agreement of Sirdar Shair Dil Khan, which divided the territory south of the Hindu Kuoh amongst the Brothers and according to that Agreement, Sirdars Shair Dil Khan, Pur Dil Khan, Kohin Dil Khan and Mihr Dil Khan were to receive the government of Kandahar; and governorship of Sindh was deputed to their fifth brother, one named Rahm Dil Khan; and in the same way other areas like Peshawar were given to other brothers. Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan received Kohistan.

When Shair Dil Khan returned to Kandahar from Kabul , and hear that the Sindi people had arisen against Rahm Dil Khan, he launched a striking force against that region. But as he was on that expedition; he died on the 5th of Muharrum 1242.A.H. Meantime as Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan had taken Kabul from Sirder Sultan Mohamed Khan, Sirdar Pur Dil Khan considered this step as against the spirit of the family


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Awards. He started on a military expedition due to this disregard of the spirit of the Awards; and the forces of Pur Dil Khan and those of Doust Modamed Khan faced each other at a point near Muqar river. But a plague that struck both camps, the battle was postponed, and a peace was cemented between the two contestents. This was how Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan retained Kabul, and Sirdar Pur dil Khan continued as a master of Kandahar. This too, was the shape of things whereby the government of Kandahar remained in the hands of the Barakzi Brothers. Sirdar Pur Dil Khan, till his death in the year 1245.A.H. was the master of Kandahar; after which, although other Sirdars, like Kohin Dil Khan, Mihr Dil Khan and Rahim Dil Khan were still alive; the rulership of Kandahar was in the hands of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan; who with the help of his brothers managed to retain his position for 25 years. We would now study his activities which mark his time of rule in Kandahar from 1245.A.H. to 1271.A.H. as a general current of history:

1245.A.H. is a year when Prince Kamran after the death of his father took the reigns of the government into his hands; and with the help and good advice of Yar Mohamed Khan, the Sabuzai kingship was made secure. In Kabul the scene was different, for upto the year 1254. A. H.-the beginning of the rule of Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khanthe rivalry between the Barakzai Brothers for the purpose of getting the throne of Kabul has continued. The English aggession under the cloak of helping Shah Shuja took place in the year 1255. A. H. Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan ruled at kandahar; and it is period when larger affairs of an international character sprang up, when the English and ths Russians were taking deep interest in Afganistan. It is a time when Kamran ruled at Herat, Kohin Dil Khan at Kandahar and Amir Doust Mohamed Khan directed the destinies of Kabul government. The Russians were on the one hand inciting the Persian Qachars to lift their hands against the Saduzai; on the other hand wanted to secure Kabul and Kandahar; thus Captain Vakuvich was sent to Kabul and to Kandahar. One of the most important matters, which took shape during the time of Kohin Dil Khan at Kandahar was an Agreement which was signed between him and the Russian Envoy. This very Envoy also came to Kabul; so that


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this Russian envoy and the English Agent Burns both arrived in Kabul
about the same time .

Amir Doust Mohamed Khan viewing the help rendered to the Siks
and an incitement to them to inroad Afghanistan showed his inclina-
tion to the Russians; and the English without taking the trouble of this
reason which was at the bottom of the Amir's policy under the guise
of a help to Shahshuja aggressed against Afghanistan. Sirdar Kohin
Dil Khan, assisted by his brothers, defended the country against the
aggressors; but the treachery of Haji Khan Kakari and his surrund-
ering to Shah Shuja, opened the gate of Afghanistan to the English
forces of Agression. Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan, who due to the internal
strife could not go either to Herat or to Kabul; took refuse at the
court of the Persians, by flying by way of Seistan and the valley
of Hermond .

During the period of four years of the English occupation of
Afghanistan, the various parts of the country, like Kabul, Kand-
ahar, and Jalalabad were naturally held by Shah Shuja.

From the second of November 1841,A.D. till the middle of
1842. A.D. when Kabul and Ghazni were freed; the English forces
held Kandahar. Rawlinson, the English political agent wanted to
send the foreign troops from Kandahar to Kabul and Herat.

General Nott and Major Rawlinson, the military and political
agents of the English prior to the avocuation from Kandahar, and
the meeting with English forces at Kabul for the purpose of
leaving the country by way of the eastern reaches of the land;
resolved to play a last political game and to isolate Kabul from
both Kandahar and Herat; and to continue their hold when he had
left the country through working under the guise of the sons of
Shah Shuja. With a view to this, first of all they put prince
Timour as a king: but as he had observed that the collaps
of the Sadozai was complete, refused to accept the English offer.
After that the throne was offered to the second son of Shah Shuja,
one named Safdar Jung; and placed one named Sirdar Mohamed
Quli Khan as his minister.

Even all this no amalgamation and co-operation between the
Barakzais and the Saduzais could be made; for four Months had


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not pessed, when Sirdar Kdohin Dill Khan retuned from Iran.
The minister Sirdar Mohamed Quli Khan of the puppet king, immedia-
tely allied himself with the Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan. A battle
was fought at Houz Sung Sar, about 28 miles west of Kandahar;
in which Kohin Dil Khan was successful; and it is the last of
those battles which were fought against the puppet king. There
after Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan held Kandahar and governed it.

During the second period of reign of Amir Doust Mohamed
Khan at Kabul, and a permanent rule of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan
at Kandahar, the two clashed due to the interference of Sirdar
Sultan Ahmad Khan; and it was possible that a battle might be foug-
ht between the two, near the Muqar river but matters were agreed
upon without fighting. As a result Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan continued
to rule over Kandahar; and Amir Doust Mohamed Khan held Kabul
as the ruler. Personal animosity between the two, however, conti-
nued to smoulder; till first of all Sirdar Mihr Dil Khan died
on Friday 27th of Jamaus Sani; and after him Sirdar Kohin Dil
Khan went to answer his Master on Tuesday the 7th of Zilhijh.
Afrer the death of these two Sirdar, difference arose between Sir-
dar Rahm Dil khan and the sons of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan over
the governorship of Kandahar; an appeal was made to Amir Doust
Mohamed Khan; Kandahar was taken by Amir Doust Mohamed
Khan's son Sirdar Shair Ali Khan; thus Kandahar administration
melted away; and it became a province of the realm of Afgha-
nistan, now ruled by Amir Doust Mohamed Khan.

* * *

TWO CROWING CEREMONIES
ARTICIE: TWENTY FIFTH
(The barley and wheat heads)
In the year 1160.A.H. ( 1747.A.D. )a coronation took place at
the shrine of Shair SurKh of kandahar; and a similiar coronation
tooK place at, Kabul- Siah Sung - in the year 1254.A.H. (1835.A.D:)
both of these being those simple ceremonies which mark the crowing
of Afghan kings. Upon the crown of one the head of barley was placed