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and on the other a head of wheat. At one place the great Divine Sabir Shah, the great Sufi performed the solumn ceremoney at Kabul; and at Kandahar Mir Haji son of Mir Wayaz Performed this duty. The men who wore the crowns of wheat heads and barley heads, were Ahmed Shah Durrani,the founder of the Durrani dynasty of kings; and the other one was Amir Doust mohamed khan , the founder of the Mohomadzai dynasty.

After the sudden death of Nadir Afshar in the night of 19th June 1747.A.D. at Fatehabad. . . . . . (cannot be deciphered . . . . ) fell into the hands of the important nobles of his. Ahmed Khan with Noor Khan as the commander of the Afghan troops-a unit consisting of over fifteen thousand-started from Herat to Kandahar. so that the foundation of a Kingship could be laid at Kandahar.

Immediately a large Jirghah was assembled consisting of the leaders of clan sat the shrine of Shair Surkh, the remains of which still could be seen along the northern walls of the city. Leaders of clans, like Noor Mohamed Khan Gilzia, Mohabat Khan Foful Zai, Mosa Khan Ashaq Zai; Nasrullah Khan Noor Zai; Haji Jamal Khan Barakzai etc etc; but the selection of a king was not made with such an ease as was expected . because in regards to the traditions and qualities required the heads of the various clans did not rely upon each others choice. Discussions became very lengthy. So Prolonged were these trobal sittings that they were called eight times at Shair Surkh till the great sage and divine one named Sabir Shah, lived in the shrine, termited the discussion; selected Ahmed Shah, who was sitting quietly in a corner; and a head of corn-wheat - which the divine had picked up in an adjoining field entwined as acorn upon the head of Ahmed Shah-Ahmed Khan.

Important leaders, including Haji Jamal Khan Barakzai, accepted the holy man,s decision with humble and devout feelings. It was thus that the coronation of one of the greatest sons of this country, whose activities and sagacity named him as the head and the leader of the Sadozais, took place in such simplicity.


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The time of the rule of the Saduzai, with the greatness of
the rule of Ahmed Shah; and the dynasty's periods of ups and down
continued in history of the time. This continued, till the mis-
takes and doubts of Shah Mahmud and Kamran, precipitated the
awaful act of the blinding and ultimate assassination of Fathe Khan;
which in time contributed to the rapid fall of the Sadozai House
and the rise of the Barakzai Brothers and Barakzai rule. At the
death of some of these Barakzai Sirdars, and the incident of
Amir Doust Mohamad Khan,s taking over Kabul government esta-
blished a Barakzai rule in Afghanistan. But Sirdar Doust Mohamad
Khan had not as yet assumed the prerogatives of the rule in an
official manner, and coronation had had not been effected when
on of a sudden from the south-eastern direction of the country;
the danger of Shah Shuja made its appearance. Sirdar Doust
Mohamed Khan, at the ivitation of his brothers, namely Sirdar Kohin
Dil Khan and Rahm Dil Khan proceeded to Kandahar and removed
the danger for a time at least. On his return to Kabul, he wan-
ted to concentrate his attention towards dispelling the danger of
attacks of the Sikhs under Ranjit Singh; and to proclaim a Holy War;
he was informed that the Holy War could only be proclaimed by
aMoslem Head of the Government: which impelled him to
proclaim himself as king. E.mR 1836

Do you know where and in what circumstances this coronation
took place? Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan was riding out with a few of his
retainers in the neighbourhood of the Idd Mosque in the east of Bala
Hisar under the foot hills of Siah Sung. In spite of the fact that there
were not many men with him; Mir Haji, son of the late Mir Wayaz,
as the leader of the divine of the time, tied a head of barley round
Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan's head ; thus under most modest condit-
ions, the Sirdar was now known as the king. His tile was now the lea-
der of the Faithful. His name was so proclaimed from the mosques.
He struck a coinage, which brings the days of the Holy War into ones
recollection .

Amir Doust Mohamed Khan, therefore, started on a Holy War;
the ceremonies that were inacted so simply on the occasion of the cro-
wing of Ahmed Shah Durrani in 1747 . A . D . as the head of the Sa-


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duzie dynasty; and the equal ceremoney of simplicity was manifested
in crowing Amir Doust Mohamed Khan; one by the head of wheat,
and the other by barley; the two have a close resemblence. The one was
effected at Kandahar and the other one at Kadul. But the spirit of the
two is the same. The two adorned their crowns with the products of
their country.

THE FORWARD POLICY .
ARTIGLE TWENTY SIXTH.

During the fifty years, which comprise the second half of the
19th centry of the Christian Era; wiser heads in the Punjab, in
the Sindh, in Simla or even in London; were all: whether high
English officers, or political thinkers; were in earnest search of
a permanent Boundry line between Afghanistan and India. Many
theories and observations were projected. One such was the so
called the Forward Policy. This policy had its advocates-at various
times in the second half of the 19th. Century. The followers
of this school are responsible for rendering asunder the friendly
relations between Afghanistan and the English: this, too was the
policy which brought large tracts of our country under the
aggrssion of the English; which also brought about the question
of the Frontiersi unfortanately where the tribal people regret the
lack of appreciation of their rights.

In the 18th.article under the of "ON THE SEARCH OF A FRON-
TIER LINE., we had given particulars about two Schools of politi-
cs; one apperaining to the Advance Policy and the other one to Stay
—Put; till atlast the determination towards the Forward Policy for dra-
wing a line of demarcation was spoken of; in connection with Afghanistan
and India. As the English and the political thinkers had over thrown
the Close Border Policy;"and adopted the Forward policy which produ-
ced so much difficulty between the two governments of Afghanistan and
England: our country was subjected to aggression. Certain parts of the
land of Afghanistan were detached through guile, both military and.
political; we desire here to speak a little more fully in this connection

This Forward Policy, according to some, is also termed as the Sindh
policy or the policy of the Sindh School. This is oppoed to another


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term, which is called the Close Border Policy or the Punjab School.
The reason of so naming these is that the officers serving in the Punjab
held the view of the Close Border Policy, whilst those had seen service in
Sindh, were wedded to the Policy of the Forward Movement or the Sind
School. The inventor of the Sindh School was one Major John Jackob;
and when the Persians with the instigation of the Russians, it was he
who suggestion to the government of India to annex Quetta. There
is, of course, no doubt that the various schools amongst the English
political thinkers, were influenced by the desire of protection of their
possessions in India. In asmuch as Afghanistan had two important vall-
eys, one at Kyber and other at Bolan; which could give them protec-
tion if they held troops at Peshawar; the English thinkers were quite
satisfied with their defences from this direction Major John Jacob,
however, was of the opinion that in the direction of Quetta, the
position of the English defences required further strengthening. So
that whenever Russia may send its troops in Central Asia; British
troop could be sent with ease to Herat.

Lord Canning, however; was greatly opposed to this view. He never
desired that the British troops should enter the Afghan territory; and
that it should cross the country of the Afghans in order to reach Herat.
This English Governor General further held that it was not possible to
enter Afghanistan even with an amagamated force and to give battle
at a given point; and thence to return home safely and attacks could
not be inflicted upon such a force by the Afghans.

Lord Cannings observations went further than that; for in
support of his view he stated that the strengthening of the Afghans,
and their power, produces no danger to the Indian Government;
but a strong Afghanistan would constitute a protection for India.
Pursuing that line he continued that if Afghanistan was composed
of smaller units, it will be week, and its defences would, thereby
suffer, and "I hope to see, " he said, "to see that country as
a strong country, which could be counted for as the defence of
the Indian possessions."

It was on this score that a conflict of opinion between Lord
Canning and Major Jacob continued; but the major, who had a wild


- 98 -
temper stuck to his views; and contrived to ally a number of other officers serving in Sindh to his views. Even then, other high officers in India, such as Lord Achison, Lord Lawrence, Lord Mayo and Lord Northbrook during their term office, gave a practical shape to the theory of Forward Policy. At the time of the coro-nation of Amir Shair Ali Khan, when he ascended the throne of Afghanistan for a second time, Sir Henry Lawrence sent a Despatch to London. Sir Henry was a supported of Forward policy, and during the First Afghan War was the English Agent at Kandahar. He felt the danger of Russia in Central Asia, and taking into account the defence of India, his Despatch to London had a meaning of its own. He proposed that English Agents, both political and Commercial should be sent out from England to Afghanistan and to various rulers of Central Asian Khanates in order to strengthen the British position in those localities. This political thinker of England thought that the English influence at Quetta and in the Valley of Kurram Pass should be made manifest. Also that the regions of the north-west should be strengthened. But Lord Lawrence, who had previously opposed the Forward Policy advised that beyond the river Indus the English should not set their foot; and held that under no circumstances any interference in Afghan matters should be effected. He further added that even if this interference in the beginning should be localised and limited in its scope, it will take the matters to a pass when the occupation of the whole country would become imparative; as was the case in the year 1838, A. D. the results of which were very well known.

Lord Lawrence was prepard to meet Amir Sheir Ali Khan at Umballa; but when Lord Mayo became the Governor General after Lord Lawrence, this meeting was held between the Amir and the Governor General. As a result the bondry line between Russia and Afghantstan was demarcated; and the Russian Government undertook to consider Afghantstan outside her sphere of influence. This was effected in the year 1873. A. D. Amir Shair Ali Shah sought the help of money and arms, in case the Russian aggression might take place; but the English made it a condition that such a help could be given only, if the English were permitted to


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control the foreign affairs of Afghanistan. This ofcourse, limited the independence of the country. In fact as a result of a change in the English cabinet, even those indefinite promises which were given by the Indian government, could not be vindicated. During the term of office of Lord Salisbery in the year 1875. A. D. the proposal of sending our commercial and political agents from England to various points were broached to the government of Lord Beaconsfield. The points indicated were Herat and Kandahar: but Lord Northbrook, completely negatived the proposal; and clearly indicated that the king of Afghanistan would not accept their English representatives in Afghanistan. Also insistence upon this point will destroy the English friendly connection with the Afghans. As Lord Northbrook was doggedly opposed to the view, and he was the Secretary of State for India, the proposal of sending out of the English Agents was abandoned. Lord Lytton, however, took the political thread from the very beginning; and his scheme precipitated the second Afghan War. Amir Shair Ali Khan, who always thought of the defence of his country and who was desirous of the friendship of his neighbours and cordiality between the English and the Afghan; as a result of the mistaken Forward Policy lost his throne; and died with his hopes unfulfilled at Mazar Sharief. The English forgetting the bloodshed that occurred in their First Afghan War, especially during their progress between Jalalabad and Kabul invaded once again the country of the Afghans.

After this unjustified aggression on the Part of the English many more aggressive steps were taken; such as the over-running the independent territories of the sovereign clansmen, the building of a railway up to the military outposts by the British officers of the Indian government. Two persons, one named Sir Robert Sandiman, and Lord Roberts played significant role in these aggressive invasions by the English into our country. Sandiman was of the opinion that the influence of the British must be introduced amongst the independent tribesmen. He thought, too, that if the tribesmen during the peacetime joined our forces, their interests and ours would prevent them to act in an animosity towards us. Also that when we might consider it as our interest in any defensive measure, and may have the power of defence, our tribesmen would


help us. Lord Robert, who gave battle to the Afghan forces both at
Kabul and at Kandahar, and was the Commander In Chief of the British
forces in India, was deeply wedded to the Forward Policy; and
he should be regarded as the leader of those who wished
to usurped the independence of the tribal people; and the greatest
aggressor of Afghan territory. Lord Roberts was of opinon that
the English should continually make military progress in the tribal
lands; the term No Man's Land connoting the tribal areas, areas which
form the part of the country of Afghanistan was first used by
Lord Roberts.

During the term of office of Lord Lawncedown, the school
of Forward Policy was very much at the forefront of policies;
two persons, one being the Governor General and the other the
Commander in Chief when they got together, could Produce noth-
ing else than uneasiness in Afghanistan, the Treaty of Gundumak;
and the preoccupation of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan during the
first years of his reign, and took advantage of conditions in this
country; so that gradually the passes of Gomal, Kurram and Chitral
as well as other regions were annexed. Amir Abdur Rahman
Khan saw these intrusions with considerable disgust; and thus not
only did he express himself verbally but in actual fact he (the Amir)
made official protestations against the English designs. Some of
this we had showed in our article in the newspaper Annis-under
the Heading "Amir Abdur Rahman Khan and the Durrand Line,"
-dated 8th. Hamal 1330. Shumzi. As a result of all this, the Eng-
lish were compelled to take in hand the question of boundry
line in the year 1893. A. D. a boundry line between Afghanistan
and India, as an immediate measure. The English were of the
opinion that inorder to arrange the matter of a boundry bdtween
the two countries, they might send Lord Robert to Afghanistan; but the
Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, who knew that man's purpose from
the very beginnig, and abhored him; he did not agree that a del-
egation may come till Robert was in India: thus Mortimond
Durrand was appointed for the purpose and came to Kabul.


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THE TRIPARTITE TREATY: The English,
The Sikhs & Shuja.

ARTICLE TWENTY SEVENTH

It is possible that the readers may have heard of this
Treaty, which was signed between the English, the Sikhs and
Shuja. There would hardly be a Treaty more ridiculous and
laughable than this treaty. Quite apart from the fact that a king
who had no throne and was a refugee; had no right whatever to
contract a treaty; the terms of the reaty make it quite apparent
that the degree of greed had made Shuja an object of play in
the hands of the Sikhs, and to what extent the Sikhs themse-
lves had become the tools of the English chicanry. The text
of that document due to its absolutely laughable texture introduce to
us Ranjit Singh and Macnaughton. Ranjit wanted to get a
documents from the king-without a throne for the acquiring of
some land; and the English desired that the amalgamated forces
of the Sikhs and those of Shuja may be thrown upan a people,
who according to the English, were threatening the western def-
ences of India. That all this should be done for the benefit
of a policy of imperial expension is quite obvious. The text
of this treaty has been copied from a handwritten manuscritpt
which contains the facts about the reign of Shashuja; and the
style of writig is very good.

Shah Shuja, the refugee king, and hiding for his life as a
prisoner of the Sikhs, who saw much cruel treatment at hands of
Ranjit Singh; and lived at Ludhiana, in his greed to acquaire the
throne and land over wihch he once ruled ignominiously was
alwsys willing to become the tool of the Sikhs and the English.

The treaty which was contracted between Shahshuja, the
Sikhs and the English is one of those treaties which are obsol-
utely illegal without truth and without a principle, which expresses
greed on the part of Shahshuja, on the oart of the Sikhs an
urge to acquire territory and on the part of the English it port-
rayed the hidden intentions of interference and of placing conflict


- 102 -
between the people. Everyone knows that Ranjit Singh from the
time of the Saduzais was merely a governor of the Saduzais in
the Punjab; and that the Sikhs under him, from the early times
of ruler of Zaman Shah at the instigation of the English had
been intrasigent; till the then Saduzai king made him a govenor
of Lahore; a governor of the king of Afghanistan. This Sikh
ruler, taking advantage of the death of Zaman Shah, and the
conflict of the Barakzai Brothers, ha proclaimed himself as a
Maharaja. Nor was it all, but he started a series of aggressions
in Kashmire, in Peshawar and even in the areas beyond the river
Indus. When Amir Doust Mohamed Khan became king and a battle
was fought between him and the Sikhs regarding Peshawar and
animosity was further increased, the Sikhs thought that advantage
should be sought from the antagonism of the Saduzai Shah Shuja
and the Barkazi Brothers; so that the greed of Shah shuja made
he used against the rightful king of Afghanistan. As Shuja was ever
ready to sign a treaty between himself and the Sikhs in order to
gain the throne; but just at that time, the English arrived in the scheme
of things as a third party. Some of the English writers try rery
hard to keep themselves out of the real reason of the devise; and
aplogise that their inclusion was due to the insistence of the
other two; and that the matter of animosity that existed between
the Sikhs and the Afghans was something with which the Engish had
no connection, and it was without the consent of the English that
the Sikhs had been making inroads beyond the Indus; but the
fact is that the inciment did come to the Sikhs from the English
side in the name of Shah Shuja. The first Afghan war, and the
English interference in matters of Afghanistan are factors the
root cause of which can be found in this treaty beteen the
three parties.

In the beginning of this affairs, the English were very pliant;
and were even desirous that an alliance might be cemented between
the Sikhs and Shah Shuja; and it was proposed that only a few
fighting men may be provided by Shah Shuja, and the rest of the army
should consitute the Sikhs; and the cost of the military expedition
may be given by the English. Lord Canning the then Governor
General in India was most keen to see the scheme come to practi-


— 103 —
cal shapes; and Macnauton, therefore, was appointed with a delega-
tion to see Ranjit Singh at Adaninagar ( 31 st. May 1838. A. D. )
During this meeting, Macnauton said that he had heard that a treaty
had been signed between Ranjit Singh and Shahshuja; and asked
whether it would not be to the benefit to the whole scheme, if a
third party-the English-could not join the confederation. Ranjit Singh,
replied that it was tantamount to adding sugar to the milk; thus sugar
and milk were added together; but as a result, neither the milk of
Shahshuja was sweetended, nor the Sikhs benefitted by the product
thereof; but the land of Afghanistan was drenched with blood, and
the hatred of the people against Shahshuja was increased very con-
siderably; and then Shahshuja met his fatal end; and the English had
to sustain moral and material losses. After the death of Ranjit Singh,
the English pushed their influence on the western sides of the Indus
river. In any case prior to the time when the Tripartite Treaty
could be hammered into shape; both Sikhs and the English made a
long discussion regarding the size and the strength of the expedi-
tionary force. The English wanted that in the actual progress of
aggression to push the Sikhs to face the dangers of battle, and they
themselves only give money as their share of the bargain; but the
Sikhs, who had seen the warlike skill of the Afghans; asked the English
to give a fighting force. Atlast on the fateful day of 26th of June
1838. A. D. (23rd of Rabee-us-Sani 1253. A. H.) the articles of
alliance on the part of the Sikhs and the English was signed, and
it devolved upon Shaashuja, the refugee and abandone former ruler,
who had no right to append his signature to the document. Shah-
shuja Saduzi, for his personal aggrandisement signed this shamful
treaty. Its text is contained in 18 clauses, which has been taken
from a handwritten manuscript giving details of the time and affairs
of Shahshuja's reign.

In as much as between the governments of high placed Khalsa
Jai, and the Government of the Lord of the earth Shahshuja ul Mulk
a treaty has been evolved four times; and for some reasons had
been postponed: now as per Mr. The Honourable William G. Manc-
nanton, the fully accredited agent of His Honour the Governor Gneral
Lord Ackland, as a mark of friendship had also been attested; the


104

agent of the Honourable Company came to meet the High Dignitory
of His Highness the Maharaja of the Khalsas; have added a few
more Clauses to the original text, which make eighteen clauses, in
the spirit of accord and friendship have accepted and made valid
on behalf of the Honourable East India Company; and these clauses
shall not seperated, and are divisable.

CLAUSE NUMBER ONE :

That area which lies this side of the river Indus and the other
side of the Indus; and which is in the possession of the Khalsa
Sirkar the province of Kashmire, together with its environs and bo-
undries east, west, north and south of Attock; Chuch Hazara Kahnabul
Want etc which are its dependencies; Peshawar with Yusufzai etc,
Khatak, Hashnagar, Michni, Kohat, Hungo and all areas belonging
to Phshawar region upto the Khyber, and Bunnu Wazir and Tonk,
and Krank, and Killa Bagh and Khushal Ghur etc as its dependencies;
together with Dera Ismail Khan with its dependencies, Dera
Ghazi Khah and Kot Muthan and Omar Kot etc together with all
its dependencies and Sungar, Arwat Mund, Dajal and Hajipore, and
all the three Kachi and Munkeera with all its environments, and
the province of Multan together with all its surroundings, pass out
of the hands of the Saduzai government; and upon these territories
the Saduzais Government shall have no claim generation after
generation; these areas no longer belong to them and shall never
belong to them.

Secodly that the above mentioned king will not permit any
one to emmit any robbery on this side of the Khyber pass; or
permit any disturbance of peace. If the officers of the goevrnments
intentionally disregard their duties; or might absent themselves
from duty; they shall be returned from either side; and that water
which comes for the use of Killa Fatehkadah etc, shall we allowed
to remain, and shall not stopped.


THIRD CLAUSE.

The crossing of any bod beyond the river Sutlij, according to the regulations of the Sikh government and the Laws of the Honourable East India Company shall be conducted in relation to Chitti, and permission of the Sikh Raj. Likewise the crossing over the river Indus, in which falls the river Sutlaj; the permission and Chitti of the Khalsa Raj is needed for the tribes. The King will not give such a permission without the permission of the Khalsa Raj.

FOURTH CLAUSE.

In relation to the affair of Shikar Pore and the territory of Sindh; which lie upon the river Sutlaj; the matter is a subject to be arranged between the Khalsa Raj and the Honourable East India Company through Captain Clark Martin Deed, the Political Agent; and such a settlement shall by fully accepted by the King aforementioned

FIFTH CLAUSE.

The above mentioned king, shall annually send to Peshawar the following items from Kabul and Kandahar; young horses of good pedegre, and of good colour and of good gate fifty five in number; and eleven swords of Persian good quality; and seven scimiters of Persian make and of good quality and twenty five good mules; fresh and dry fruit with melons of fresh and sweet kind; and grapes, pears, apples and almonds and currents inlarge quantities; also cloth of excellent quality, and furs, and gold-thread work; and Persian carpets; all told 101 items; and these would be sent to the Khalsa Raj year by year.

SIXTH CLAUSE.

The titles which are to be used between the two signitories shall be of equal status.

SEVENTH CLAUSE.

The king will permit and will not prohibit the bringing of any horses etc, which the traders, may desire to bring from Afghanistan to the territory of the Khalsa Raj; indeed, on the part of the


-106-

king such trade would be encouraged; and that on the part of the Khalsa, too, such reciprocal treatment would be made, and encouragement given.

EIGHTH CLASE.
The Khalsa ruler on his side will send woollen cloth etc, as a gift to the King every year: the items being in the nature of: fifty five pieces of woollen cloth; muslin twenty five pes. inkhab. five pes, Doupatta of Benaras twentyone Than. Bahar. Nawa Multani five than; cloth for white turbans fiftyfive thans; rice Bara fiftyfive Seers.

NINTH CLAUSE.
When the dignitaries of the Khalsa journey to Afghanistan for horses, or for any other reason; or for the purpose of buying or selling goods of the nature of whitening, wool etc or other items; and they should be so deputed to transact business to the extent of fifteen thousand rupees; the king's government will provide fecilities to them; as would the Khalsa Raj in the case of those sent from Afghanistan for such purposes.

TENTH CLAUSE.
If and when the forces of Khalsa Ji and those of the king join hands in an expedition: the King's forces would not allow the killing of cows under any circumstances and in any way whatever.

ELEVENTH CLAUSE.
When the allied forces of the King and the Khalsa Ji fight as allies against the Barakzais; whatever booty in the shape and form of jewels, horses and arms or similiar articles come to hand, half of such booty shall be given to the Khalsa Ji, and half of it shall be for the king; but if such booty falls in to the hands of the forces the of the king alone, then the king shall send a Portion of such booty consisting of horses, fine material and mall and big arms and jewels to the Khalsa Raj as a gift through a trustwortly envoy.

TWELVTH CLAUSE.
Always trustworthy envoys and messengers from the king and from the Khalsa Raj would visit each others court and shall exchange usual friendly messages; and keep in contact by sending presents to each other.


-107-

THIRTEENTH CLAUSE.

Whenevr the Khalsa Raj may require military aid from
the king in virtue of this agreement, the king shall send his
troops under the command of big Sirdars; and likewise, the
Khalsa Raj for the purpose of help,as laid down in this Agreement
shall send its Moslem troops under the command of important
commanders to Kabul. When the ruler of the Khalsas may visit
Peshawar, one of the Princes representing the king should come
to pay respect to the Sikh ruler; and the Princes shall be
received with due honour and consideration.

FOURTEENTH CLAUSE.

The friends and enemies of the Khalsa Raj and friends
and enemies of the East India Company, shall be the friends and
enemies of the King.

IFFTEENTH CLAUSE.

Two lakhs of Nanukshahi rupees or rupees of ordinary kind,
shall be sent annually to the Khalsa Raj without fail by the king
in exchange for the expenses of troops used to establish the king
upon his throne. From the Khalsa Raj troops consisting of five
thousand cavalry and infantry shall be posted at Peshawar, which
could be sent to help the king with the co-operation and help of
the honourable East India Company if and when required. Should
a larger threat materialise from the west, then the stemming of it
shall be undertaken jointly by the Sikh Raj and the Honourable
East India Comany.If the Khalsa Raj may require the services of the
troops of the king, the sum to be paid for that shall be adjudged
according to a special assessment in the light of the time of
service; and the honourable East India Company shall pay such
assessed sum to the Khalsa Raj, when the conditions of this
agreement are fully adhered to; such a payment shall be paid
annually.


-108-
SIXTEENTH CLAUSE.
The territory, which is now in the possession of the Mirs of Sindh, and its dependencies; together with all revenues and payments to be made now or in the future by them to the king; shall no longer have any relationship with the king, and the claim upon those territories and revenues; nor would his descendents, or any of the persons of the Sadozai family shall ever have any claim upon the revenues aforementioned, or upon the territories. The Mirs of Sindh thenceforth shall be the owners of their land, provided the Mirs of Sindh pay thirty lakhs of Nanak shahi ruppes or ordinary rupess. Out of this sum fifteen lakhs shall be paid to the Khalsa Raj—according to the assessment of the honourable East India Company and the remaining fifteen lakhs shall be the property of the king. Should this sum be paid in full, then clause number four of this agreement shall be considered null and void (it relates to Clause 4 of the Treaty of 12th.March 1832. A.D.) and the custom of sending presents and usual methods of friendly accord between the Mirs and the Khalsa Raj shall be established.

SEVENTEENTH CLAUSE.
When Shahshuja establishes his sovereignty upon the territories of Kabul and Kandahar; he shall not interfere in any way with the rule of his nephew at Herat.

EIGHTEENTH CLAUSE.
The king Shujaudoullah and all others of his Sadozai family shall not form any relationship with any foreign people or countr without the consent of the Khalsa Raj and the Honourabl East India company; also if any foreign invasion took place against the East India company or the Khala Raj, then the king shall help, in whatever way pisossible, the two above mentioned.


--109--

That which had been laid down in this treaty is fully
and without reservation acceptable to all the three contracting
parties; namely the king, the East India Company and the Khalsa
Raj; and the terms of this treaty shall remain permanent; and
after the seal and signature of the three parties this has been
so enacted, written on the 15th of the month of Har Sumbat
1895 at Lahore."

According to the various historical records, Mcnaughten, prior
to this agreement had spoken of a scheme of an invasion of Afghani-
stan-towards Kabul - with the Sikh troops and at the head of which
shall be placed Prince Timour, the son of Shah Shuja; of the entry
of Shahshuja whith his troops in Afghanistan by way of Kandahar
accompanied by Sirdar Sultan Mohamed Khan. Shahshuja, too, made
certain observations in this regard: that none of the Durrani princes
shall have any claim or share in the running of his kingdom; and
that he shall be permitted to wage war in all directions, such as
Kabul, Kandahar, Bulkh, Seistan and Bluchistan and Shikarpore. That
the dependencies of Kandahar and Shikarpore shall be under his rule.

After the English troops leave Kabul, one of the English
representatives should remain at Kabul; as also that some English
officers should be given to him for the training of troops in Afgha-
nistan; that two lakhs of rupees which he had undertaken to give
to the Sikhs would be considered as a kind of tribute, and his soverei-
gnty thereby shall be in question; therefore, he was prepared to
renounce his ownership of Shikarpore in payment thereof.

These were the stipulations, which were made by Shah Shuja on
the basis of the Treaty. From an analysis of this, it would appear
that whereas the deposed and the refugee king which he was, although
dependent upon the support of the English and the Sikhs and knowing
fully well that his success depended upon their help; he was yet
desirous to protect his kingdom upon a higher and greater orbit:
but unfortunately, his co-operators - especially the English - were not
such from whom he could receive any benefit in this direction; so
that in virtue of this Unfortunate Treaty, both the Sikhs and the
English took magnificient advantage.


- 110 -
HOW THE GATEWAY OF THE GHAZNI
CITADEL WAS BLOWN UP.

ARTICLE TWENTY EIGTH

On the morning of 23rd. July 1821. A.D., when the sun had
not yet arisen fully, the walled city of Ghazni was shaken by an
explosion. The English had been busy the whole night digging a
tunnel and blew up the Kabul gate of the city.

Also they made a great breach in the walls, so that the
city surrendered without expectation to the enemy within three-
quarters of an hour. It was thought that this was effected through
the bravery of their troops, but the strength of a treasury is
greater than the strength and power of gun - powder.

* * *

The first aggression of the English, which took place with the
connivance and help of Shahshuja Saduzi, is a fact regarding which
several articles had been written in these series on several aspects
of the case.

In this article, we desire to speak as to how unexpectedly the
surrender of Ghazni took place at the hands of the English.

The British troops which were moving by way of the Bolan
Pass and Khojak with Shahshuja, were put under the command of
an English officer by the name of Sir John Kean. From the date
of the movement of this force ( 10th. December 1838. A. D. ) from
Firouzpoee, till it reached Kandahar on the 8th. of May 1839. A.D.,
and Ghazni on the 21st. of July 1839. A.D. With that which befell
the expendition, we do not concern ourselves here.

It is a matter of common knowledge that the legal occupant
the Afghan throne, Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was ruling the country
at the time, and the Government of Ghazni then was Placed under
one of his sons, Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan.

As far as can be judged from historical records, Amir Dost
Mohamed Khan, both during his rulership as also prior to it, attached
great importance to the defences of Ghazni; so that when he ultimate-
ly became the king of Afghanistan, he appointed one of his real
brothers, Sirdar Amir Mohamed Khan, as Governor of Ghazni. In


— 111 —
any case when the news of the approaching English forces with Shahshuja reached Kabul, the King sent a good deal of rations and armaments to Ghazni.

The plan which Amir Dost Mohamed Khan had worked out against the English aggression was this that, the English forces should be detained for a time in the neighbourhood of Ghazni; so that Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan, strengthened by a large garrison, should defend the city, and Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan at the head of a cavalry composed of three thousand horsemen should harass the invaders outside the city. These arrangements having been made at Kabul, the plan was launched. On the other, hand the Ghilzis of the neighbourhood were to hold the region between Ghazni and Mokor against the enemy. It was thought that the invading troops could be destroyed either between Mokor and Ghazni, or by the attacks of his sons in Ghazni or at Wardak. Much attention was lavished upon this sceme, but unfortunately treachery reared its head, so that Ghazni and its defences could not survive the attack for longer than three quarters of an hour, as a result of which the whole plan was brought to nothing.

When the English forces reached Kalat Ghilzai in 4th of July 1839. A.D. Menaughton halted there for a time, in order to subdue the Ghilzais, while Lord Kean with Shahshuja marched on to Mokor and Ghazni. Mohan Lal, author of the life of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, who had cultivated a friendship with all the big Sirdars and nobles of the time, secured the secret plans of the English commanders, that amongst those who were not very friendly with Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, was one named Sirdar Abdur Rashid Khan, who was a relative of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, who was then living at Ghazni. He atonce sent a letter, but although the messenger was captured and was beheaded by the order of Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan, the governor and defender of Ghazni, he had done his work previously, and the letter had actually been received by the enemy. Abdur Rashid Khan was very pleased that his letter had been received and that he was invited to go to the English camp. He dressed in the garb of a begger, and gave him a sword; which appeared


— 112 —
that this man would kill any one who comes within range ; and
this man was also the bearer of a letter in which Sirdar Abdur
Rashid Khan had indicated his desire to come. This letter fell in
the hands of Mohan Lal.

When Abdur Rashid Khan escaped from the gateway of Ghazni
and met his friends, Mohan Lal introduced him to Maughnaton : who
placed him directly under the orders of Lord Kein : so that the in-
formation which Abdur Rashid Khan gave about the defences
of Ghazni to the military engineer of the English forces one na-
med Major Thomson contributed to the blowing up of the gateway
of Ghazni and the breaking up of the national defences of that city.

The English arrived opposite the citadel of Ghazni on 21st,
July 1839, A. D. and moved up their forces towards the Kabul Gate
leading to Kabul, so that all communication between Kabul and
Ghazni could be cut.

The fact is that as soon as the English forces were sighted
near Ghazni, the guns of the Ghazni defences began to fire on the
enemy ; and Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan was prepared to defend
the city to the last . The army together with the people of the
town were ever ready to stand by and defend their town with bra-
very and persistence. The wea kness that was apparent in Amir Dost
Mohamed Khan's defence plan, was the rivalry that existed between his
two sons - namely Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan and Sirdar Ghulam
Haider Khan. Under he plan Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan was to
defend the city from outside, while the last named was to secure
the inner defences. At one point, the sensitive brother desired to enter
the city, so that both of the brothers could defend the city toge-
ther. This request created a delicate position, with the result that Sir-
dar Mohamed Afzal Khan left the city to its own devices.

But this in itself was not a matter of great significance, for
it was possible that Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan could continue to
hold the town, and the English troops could have been annihilated


-113-

by the troops of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan's sons between Muqar and Ghazni.

When the English arrived at Ghazni, contrary to their previous information they found that the defence walls of the city and its turrets were much stronger than reported. As Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan had detached himself and his troops from the precints of the city, the English found a good opportunity to study the defences of the city. Furthermore, as the result of more minute information of Abdur Rashid Khan, the English burrowed a tunnel under the Kabul gate of Ghazni, and at about 3. A. M. on 23rd. July 1839 blew up the gateway, not through fighting or valour, but through treachery of a person who had been depraved by the wiles of the enemy. The defenders, who hardly thought of this, did fight gallantly round the walls of the citadel, but all was lost, and further resistance had no meaning. Although the slain bodies of the defenders lay in heaps opposite the Kabul Gateway, the enemy forces entered the city, and when the English banner was hoisted over the Bala Hissar, Lord Kean, the Commander-in-Chief of the English forces led Shah Shuja, and Mcnaughton into the city.

It was in this manner that the special friendship of a person belonging to the country, with one of the servants of the English, and his revealing of the plans, destroyed all the hopes and a spirat-ions of the country and the people at a very critical juncture.

It is possible that the traitor may not have fathomed the depth of his treachery, but history records the magnitude of cowardice and unforgivable sin it was which caused a series of perils for the country.

THE BATTLE OF SPEAR & THE SHIELD.

ARTICLE TWENTY NINTH

From the 21st. to 24th of July 1839. A.D. certain events occurred inside the citadel of Ghazni., which may be said to belong to the realms of fancy and dreams. We consider these as such, because no Afghan and no English soldier could dream that Ghazni could be taken with ease and so soon. But as traitorous hands were at work, events turned out in a different shape, and the


- 114 -
city passed from one hand to another within twentyfour hours. Although the gateway of the city was blown up, in the corridors of the gateway great scenes of resistence were enacted. For when the Afghan fighters gallantly defended themselves against the lances of the enemy with a shield, they used their swords against the aggressors.

* * *

In article twentyeigth under the title of "HOW THE GATEWAY OF GHAZNI WAS BLOWN UP" we had spoken of the regrettable incident of Ghazni on account of the treachery of Sirdar Abdur Rashid Khan, one of the relatives of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan. In this article we wish to give certain other particulars, which English sources have also mentioned. Much of these facts are from the writings of Neville Chamberlain, which give 44 years of military history of India.

The author was a young cavalry officer during the First Afghan War, who ultimately became a Field Marshall.

"On 21st. July 1839 the English forces under General Kean and accompanied by Shah Shuja arrived within 12 miles of the city of Ghazni. On the morning of that day, one Sirdar Abdur Rashid Khan, a cousin of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan accompanied by thirty of his followers reached the English camp. The Afghan and the English historians call this man a traitor, and the same designation can be used about his companions. They gave the news that Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan, the son of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan will attack that very night with three thousand soldiers; besides this the English were told the gateways of Ghazni had been made fast with stones and mortar, and the only gateway, which is accessible is the Kabul gateway, which is also used for ingress and egress. That night the English soldiers did not sleep, expecting attack; and stayed ready in their tents, awaiting the onslaught of the defenders of Ghazni. But the night attack did not come off.


—115—

Quite early in the morning, the English moved nearer the ci-
tadel of Ghazni; and the troops were led by the traitor Sirdar Abdur
Rashid Khan and Alexander Burnes. Near the city the English were
attacked by the defenders of the town from their hiding places in
the orchards of the city, and when the invaders were within range
of fire, big guns of the town opened at them. The first engagement
which took place between the English and the Afghans was in the
orchards of the city, especially in one such orchard which was about
180 yards long and about forty feet wide very severe fighting took
place. From the walls of the citadel, which were about thirty to
forty feet high, the defenders opened fire with their tinder-fired
guns. Mr: Chamberlain, recording the event, says that when
the Afghans saw that the firing of the English did not reach
them, they came up the parapets of walls and waved their flags,
and a group even came up to a distance of only thirty yards.

When they arrived so near, Chamberlain says that he intimated
the fact to Captain Graves. There They come! The captain ordered
his company to fire, but both fires met, the Afghan warriors had
become so excited by coming so near to their enemies that they gave
no heed to death, and although they fell one after the other as a
result of the enemy's fire they continued to push forward,and in this
engagement Captain Graves received two severe wounds, and Cha
mberlain was compelled to retire his company, and to take their
wounded commander on a stretcher to the center of their troops.

After this sharp and short engagement, the English force mov-
ed towards the walls of the city of Ghazni,and surrounded the walls
at a distance, where the Afghan fire could not reach them, and skir-
ting north-west they arrived near the Kabul gate of the city.

According to the English records, their troops had no rations
beyond three days, and the strong resistance of the defenders was
likely to upset the attacker's plans till Captain Thomson,the head-
engineer, suggested to the commander of the force named Kelvin,that
the best plan under the circumstances was to blow up the Kabul
gate, and this suggestion was readily agreed to. Towards the fore-


- 116 -
noon of 22nd July, many Afghan warriors gathered from the nearby villages around the hillsides that surrounded the encampments of the English, and mercilessly harassed the English invaders of Ghazni. Several engagements took place between the Afghan warriors and the English scouts. An account of Captain Forrest says that the Afghans at that time used their citadel gun (a fortyeight-pounder). Towards the evening, however, Mr. Marylan Durrand and Captain Pitt covered by their infantrymen, and taking cover of the brick-walls of the orchards managed to get as close to the city walls as 150 meters,and in the waning light of the moon, they came very close to the Kabul gate where the Sappers and Miners laid 900 pounds of gunpowder in twelve bags near the Kabul gate of Ghazni. At 3.A.M. of 23rd July, the night wind had not abated, and darkness hung round still over the wall of the citadel; the inhabitants were still asleep, and the guards still awaited the English attack upon the city, when all of a sudden, the terrific sound of an explosion shook the air, and the Kabul gate was blown up. With it, too, went up in the air certain other parts of the wall. Inside the gateway ran a corridor-some 150 yards long and rather narrow-about 20 yards wide, in the center of which was a yard. According to Mr. Chamberlain's records, in addition to the English regiment, there were the regiment number two of the Bengal Europeans, as also the Indian units of 13-7; 35- 16 and the 48th; which took part in the attack. Between 3. and 4. A. M. in the darkness and in that narrow passage, a sanguinary battle took place between the defenders and the attackers. The attacking force charged with fixed bayonets and the Afghan warriors meeting the attackers' weapons with their shields, used their swords against the English invaders. The battle raged for a time in that corridor, and beyond the clashing of arms, none could see the other in the darkness. When the defenders saw that bayonet could not be fought against the sword in a restricted space, they dispersed into the open inside the city. From every house, from each corner of the street, in the narrow passages-battles raged fiercely, and fire was poured upon the attackers from the roof tops. Chamberlain says that each house was like an armed citadel. The determined Afghan warriors fought to the last man.


- 117 -

The morning of 23rd. July found Ghazni in pools of blood,
and inside the city hell was let loose, for from every housetop
fire rained upon the attackers; every street coner was the danger
signal; every turn of the narrow passage was a battle field.
Whatever booty was secured was heaped along the Kabul gate along
the mounds of the slain Afghan warriors; whosever entered a house
for loot, did not emerge alive from that house; both inside and
outside neither party could keep any control, pandemonium reigned
everywhere. The above mentioned narrator adds that about one
thounsand and five hundred riderless horses galloped about,
and even fought amongst themselves. To step into the street was
to court positive death. The English writer, who took part in
the battle says that he had seen so much cruelty, and disregard
for human life that he disliked human behaviour, and that he
abhorerd humanity itself. Ghulam Haider Khan, the son of Amir
Dost Mohamed Khan-a young man of twentytwo years of age-the
governor and defender of the city was taken prisoner with his
six companions by Captain Taylor.

On the 24th of July the dead were buried, and two hundred
wounded and dead horses, too, were put under the sod. In the
afternoon the silence of death reigned supreme in the fair city
of Ghazni, doors were torn off their hinges, houses were demolished,
the streets were deserted, and it looked that it was not a city of
the living. Upon this silence sat the bloody regime of Shahshuja
under the banner and protection of the English, and from one of
the towers of the citadel flurted the ensign of the invaders.

* * *

THE VICTORY OF GHAZNI.

(An extract of a passage from TUHFATUL HABIB, Vol,2-page 168.)
" . . . . Shahshuja after the lapse of three months and
settling the Kandahar affairs and of its environs entrusted the
region to an Englishman named Leech and the Prince Fateh Jung, and
accompanied by other English officers started on an expedition


- 118 -
towards Ghazni and Kabul. and encamped under the walls and
turrets of Ghazni. Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan, as the governor and
defender of Ghazni - deputed as he was from his father Amir
Dost Mohamed Khan, provided with all weapons of defence, prepared
to defend the city. The English, however, attacking the northern
gate of Ghazni set alight the gateway of Bahlol, captured the city.
and took Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan prisoner, and placed him
under the serveillance of Yaqut Khan. The Great Amir hearing of
these events called one Nawab Jabbar Khan - one of his brothers -
and asked him to go to Ghazni on the pretext of enquiring about
the wife and children of the captured Afghan defender of the city
and to see as to what he could find and to collect what information
he could, so that something might be done about the events that
were to develop as a result of the fall of Chazni. Nawab Jabbar
Khan started on his way to Ghazni, pretending that he was the host
of one Alexander Burnes whom he had helped on many occasions, and
to try to have Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan released and to bring him
along with him to Kabul. Upon his arrival at Ghazni, he started
parleys with the English, and after much discussion , the English
terms were made known to Sirdar Jabbar Khan, to the effect that
either the Amir ahould renounce his throne of Kabul and go to
India as a pensioner of the British government and receive one lakh
of ruppees annually ; or to fight on and let the best man win the
battle.

*               *               *

SECOND NOVEMBER OF 1841.

ARTICLE THIRTIETH
In the historical life of the people of Afghanistan, the days
of victory and defeat, days of gloom and of happiness, times of
greatness and of decline are intermixed, which ought to be studied
with their respective colour and effect of those times,so that the
nation may observe some of those of the days of its life when
it was under a cloud. The date of Second of November, 1841. A.D.
( 18th. Ramazan 1257. A.H. ) was a day of determination, of
steadfastness, of great stress and national up-rising.


-- 119 --

The movement that reared its head on the second of November 1841. A. D, on the part of a few in the city of Kabul, and which infousd a national feeling of up-rising, has no parallel in the annals of Afghanistan in regard to the determination and steadfastness of national cause. In as much as it was a movement which gave a remarkable national urge, and inspiration, it should always be recalled to minds.

Time was when one hundred and eleven years ago, in this Country oppression and coercion had been the vogue in Afghanistan at the hands of Mcnaughton, Shahshuja and Burnes. From Shairpore to Balahissar, there were "ruins" upon which cruel hands operated. The English forces held the points such as Siah Sung, the cantonment of Shairpore and in other parts of the city, and another group, named as the artillery troops of Shahshuja was stationed at Bala Hisar. Nizamud-Doullah, the traitor, was a man who worked as a liaison between Shahshuja and Mnaughton, and, of course, this man's soul had been so deadend that he thought of nothing but his own interests, and in that quest if the nation was subjected to disgrace and ruin, it would, have mattered, nothing to him. This year, 1841, was the third year of the reign of Shahshuja, and this date should be considered as the third year of the disgrace and decline of the life of the nation at the hands of the aggressors-the English. Those, who had reared the nefarious designs of treachery towards their nation, were, of course, well content with their ill-gotten proceeds. Conditions were, however, deteriorating ; for instance ; the land revenue was being re-assessed and at extortionate rates forced military service, the apportioning of salaries to the Ghilzai leaders, the excesses of the troopers, and the deporting of influencial leaders of the people to India, coupled with, lack of respect for the rights of the individual absence of security and much else which contributes to the discord and a state of lawlessness was let loose amongst the people of this country, and in these unbearable circumstances, the nation was making preparations to rend asunder these chains of suppression and cruelty of the foreigners and their protege-Shahshuja-at the earliest possible moment.

As everyone knows, a few people whose names adorn the pages of our national history,possessing feelings of love and esteem for


-120-
their country, for the first time assembled at the house of Abdullah Khan Achakzai. There they laid down the foundation of the release of their country from cruel hands which were squeezing out the very life blood of the nation. On the morning of second november 1841. A.D. when the sun had hardly arisen, four of these lovers of their country named Abdullah Khan Achakzai, Aminullah Khan Logari, Sikandar Khan and Abdus Salam Khan called upon the people around them and marched on the garden and the house of Alexander Burnes.

Burne wanteds to pacify them by sending out to them a messenger on his behalf, but Sikandar Khan wanted to cut Burnes head off, so that not a single word should come out of the tyrant's mouth. Burnes came on the roof of his house and wished to bribe the mob with money, but as that could not satisfy the people impassioned by the national urge, Burnes ordered that the people should be fired up on. Firing from both sides caused causualties amongst the contestants. One of the Englishmen who fell on that occasion was a Captain Broad Foot after him fell Burnes brother named Charles Burnes. The Afghans thereafter entered Burnes house, set his house alight and cut Burnes into pieces. The fire of the house was seen from Bala Hisar by Shah shuja, Mcnaughton and Elphinstone Not only was it visible from the Balahisar but it could also be seen from Siah Sung and Shairpore; and none were able to put it out. Burnes had a great expectation of help from Bala Hi sar. Captain Campbell did, in effect start out to help with a company of troop, but the people hindered their progress with the result that all the arms and the ammunition of the rescue party fell into the hands of the Afghan nationalists. when the sun was setting upon the hights Bala Hi sar, and the English looked on anxiously from the eminence of Balahi sar, upon a city whose heart was captured by the people of the country. The wrath of Bala Hisar and of Shairpore was of course, at its highest. The manifestation of this wrath and anxiety were complementary to each other, and the result of this mani festation was that compelled the foreigners to desert the country of the Afghans along with those who loved the foreigners more than their own country.


[BLANK PAGE]


— 122 —
killed at the hands of the patriots, the reaction from Shairpore
and Bala Hisar, and Abdullah Khan Achakzis, battle and his
being wounded and ultimate martyrdom ; yet fuller details are
still obscure regarding his military progress. the real events
culminating, in his death his a tion's real appraisal from the point of
view of national urge and significance. If Abdullah Khan Achakzi is not
the only warrior of that arena, he is most decidedly the bravest of
those who prepared the nation for its release from foreign yoke, and
the one who prompted the peole of his country into awareness of
national independence, so that his name should be placed upon
the records of all those national movements for the regeneration of
the Afghans which Afghanistan saw during her struggles for independ-
ence, and that his name should be one of the first ones on the rolls.

Abdullah Khan Achakzai is the first man who led the national
movement on the second of November in 1841. A. D. It was he also
arranged the meeting at his house, where through his persuation
and goading that the nation realised her position under the thraldom
of the English and Shahshuja, and it was through his efforts, and by his
power of language and personal example that led his countrymen to rise
and claim that which belonged to Afghanistan. Inspite of the fact that
he had no more than three companions, they proceeded to the house
of Alexander Burnes, and after that fall of the Englishmen, from the
second November till the 11th November 1841 A.D. (17th to 27th of
Ramazan 1257. A.H.) he led the national movement. He and his com-
panions had no fear of the gun and the rifle, so that as an officer of the
national forces, as a commander of the peoples' forces and as a
national hero he battled with the mighty forces of Shairpore and
of the guns of the enemy every where, so that on the eleventh of Novem-
ber his causin fell to the bullet of the enemies of the Afghans, and
he himself was wounded during the advance. But he had
vindicated the honour of his people, for those plans which only ten
days ago were evolved in the privacy of his rooms, were made effective
by the sound and the use of gun and rifle. His words were not
empty words. They had a meaning, action was born from them, as
the result of which he was wounded and lay in his bed and finally
died and received the highest honour of martyrdom. But not till he
had carried forward the idea and view point of the patriotism of


- 123 -

Afghans to a pass and point from where the people could see the
rising star of the birth of their independence. By a happy coinci-
dence when Ahdullah Khan Achakzai fell moratally wounded, Sirdar
Mohamed Akbar Khan, the gallant son of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan-who
was at Bokhara for a long time-reached Kabul and took up the task
of the national liberation, leading the people to waids new Vistas,
with revived spirits for the national cause, which brought out the
hidden qualities and urges of the people to the fore.

* * *

THE ABANDONING OF SHAIRPORE.
6th. January 1842.A.D.

ARICLE : THIRTY SECONDTH

From the 7th of August 1839. A.D. to 6th of January 1842.A.D.
for a period of about two and a half years, the English forces
stayed at Kabul. They were supposed to be there in order
to help Shahshuja : Their camp during that "un-invited"stay was
situated at a "fort" rectangular in shape which was styled
the Cantonemert or Chawani. This place was outside the city
on the northern outskirts towards the eastern roadway which
ran straight from the capital to a small willage known as the
village of Bibi Maro and connected it with the city. After
the reign of Amir Shair Ali Khan, when a suburb was named
Shairpore on the south-west of the village of Bibi Maro, and
the area was made a military base, this locality during the
Second Afghan War was very well known as Shair Pore. In
view of the fact that according to the name and fame that
Shairpore had acquired due to its military significance and
warfare durins the aggressive wars of the English, and the
part that this region had played in that struggle, and further-
more to the fact that during our first struggle against the
English invasion it had not assumed any foreign importance,
therefore nistead of styling this chapter as "Chawani",we have
named it "Shairpore" thus the heading of the chapter has
been put as the "Abandoning of Shairpore".


-124-
The arrival of the winter season, and the settling of the cold weather and the fall of snow in Kabul and upon the surrounding hills, bring to minds those scenes of history which cannot be effaced from the memories of the people. It is this that induces one to pen an article in this series about an event which happened on 6th. January 1842.A.D. (22nd. Zulqadah 1257.A.H.) in the city of Kabul, and that event is none other than the evacuation of the capital city of Kabul by the English.

On 7th August 1839 A.D. when a certain degree of agitation and manifestation of dis-satisafaction was apparent among the people of Kabul, headed by the trumpet call and the military band , two English officers- Mcnaughton and Sir John Kean- accompanied by Shah Shuja went round the streets of the city proclaiming the ascending upon the throne of Shahshuja at Kabul. This was an event whic happened twentytwo years afrer that diseredited king had been exiled from Afghanistan. This was a crowning of this puppet only in name,for in actual fact the real rulers of the country were, of course, the English.

The 7th. of August was the Dark Day for this country, when the foreign troops of an aggressor entering the mountain kingdom of Afghanistan, and repulsing our defending forces from the Indus basin and Bluchistan to Kandahar and Grishk, Muqar, Ghazni and Arghandab as the helpers of Shahshuja; occupied our country. Thousand of innocent person had been killed before they reached Kabul and established their military base at Shairpore. After that date upto 6th. January 1842. A. D.-for two and a half years eve-nts which had not been hidden from the eyes of the Afghan people, happened and the leaders of the people did not desist in striving to release their nation from the bondage of the aggressors, so that Burness and Mcnaughton, were both sacrificed on their altar of aggression, and their survivors had to sign the avacuation documents on the 6th. of January 1842. A. D. and to vacate Shairpore.

As it was the beginning of the winter Season when snow lay so deep that even men of great age had not seen the like of it for


125 -

many years in Kabul, and localities such as the turning and twisting
hills around Kabul, the mountains of Shair Darwaza, the Asmai
and the hillsides of Marunjan, and regions of Bibi Maro lay
white under the mantle of snow. And when in Shairpore itself,
no less than six inches of snow had fallen, and frozen snow
could only be detached from the hooves by means of hammers,
the people turned out to see the mighty evacuation of the English
forces from Kabul from such distant places as from the Suburbs
of Kabul, Chahar Deh, Logar, Kohistan, Koh and Daman. Their
numbers could not be less than ten thousand persons, which
included even children. The route upon which the English forces
were to leave Kabul was thick with spectators; they had lined
the way across the Pul Mustan, past the Darwaza Shah Shaheed
and Bala Hisar, to the village of Bibi Maro, whilst the patriots of
Afghanistan were herding the aggressors out at Shair-pore itself.

According to the account written by a contemporary historian,
Sir Percy Sykes in his history of Afghanistan, we read as follows:
".....after two months of disgraceful delay, which has no parallel
in British military history; men who had lost all spirit were ready
to vacate the city..."

At nine in the morning General Elphinstone with whose
name the troops were designated, first emerged from the fort,
followed by artillery, cavalry, foot soldiers, followers and
others, all about 17,500 men with several thousand transport
animals, making a long line. They moved on from Shairpore to the
Kabul river, and passed over a temporary bridge-built for that
occasion, near the bridge of Mahmud Khan, and the moving out of
this sorry force was hailed by the fire of the Afghan warriors
as a mark of happiness and satisfaction. The Elphinstone Force,
as it was called, or again as it was justly termed the "Hordes
Of Imperialism" moving with tremendous slowness at last reached
a point near Bala Hisar. Here throngs ofthe inhabitants (even
women and children wanted to see the retreating force of the
English) from Siah Sung to Bala Hisar increased, so that the English
force was passing through the people of Afghanistan.


-127-

Indiawards. Clause number ten of this Treaty, too, had undertaken
that the English would leave military officers as hostages at Kabul,
till the matter of the return of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan and his
relatives from India to Afghanistan could be settled at Peshawar. In
accordance to this latter clause, the English left seven of their offi-
cers at Kabul, namely Durrand, Walsh, Warburton, Webb, Conolly,
Avery and Anderson. These hostages were detained in the house of
Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan.

When the English troops left Kobul, and the Jalalabad contin-
gent did not move out according to the treaty, Sirdar Mohamed Ak-
bar Khan, who was moving behind the English retreating lines-for
the protection of the English-noticing the departure from their writ-
ten-pledge, drew the attention of the English officers to this fact.
But unfortunately no practical steps were taken by the English. The
English intention seemed to be that the two contingents-one from
Kabul and the one at Jalalabad-should be united, while persistent
reports showed that General Sale's column was being strengthened at
Jalalabad. The lack of fulfilment of the English promise, and the
danger which lurked behind it, compelled Sirdar Mohamed Akber
Khan to detain the English forces on their way to Jalalabad in the
depth of winter. More hostages also were demanded from them
because no action had been taken by the Jalalabad column to move
out of that city prior to the arrival of the Elphinstone force from
Kabul. On one occasion, three officers, and on the second occ-
asion they had to give seven military officers, ten women and
twentytwo children as hostages. The reason for giving women and
children as hostages was that as such they could be protected by the
hospitality of the Sirder and would thus escape the rigour of winter
and camping difficulties in the snow. Amongst these women
Lady Menaughton the widow of the dead Menaughton and Lady Sale,
the wife of the English commander at Jalalabad, were also included.
In the ranks of the high military officers were General Elphinstone,
General Aiyer and Pottinger were included, the last named being the
signitory of the Treaty under review.

When at last it was quite apparent that Ceneral Sale had no
intention of moving out of Jalallabad, and was determined to fight it


- 128 -
out, the people resolved that the tow forces shall not be permitted to
join hands, and thus prevented such a meeting of the two sections of
the English forces. Near the city, Sirdar Mohemad Akbar Khan tur-
ned towards Lughman, and taking the hostages with him he had them
detained in the house of Mohamed Shah Khan ababakr Khail at a
place called, Badia Bad. Mohamed Shah Khan was the travelling com-
panion of the Sirdar at the time.

Everyone knows that events moved fast in that period of his-
tory, each of which requires an article unto itself, such as the arri-
ving of a large English force under the command of General Pol-
lock at Jalalabad, the discord of leaders at Kabul, the going back of
the Afghan national forces to Kabul, and the removal of the
hostages to Bamyan. Here we can hardly go into these points, but
will briefly study the position of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan at
Badia Bad and his treatment of his hostages and others during
that period.

Badia Bad had a fort, with high walls about 25 meters, high and a
moat surrounded it. The hostages were detained at that place during
the three months when General Sale and the town of Jalalbad was under
seige. The life lived by these hostages had no similiarity with any
prison restrictions. On the contrary, hospitality to the utmost degree
a noted trait of the Afghans-was shown them.

The English themselves write that these hostages thought that
they would certainly be killed, but they slowly realised that they
were really alive and that they were eating their food with Sirdar
Mohamed Akbar Khan.

They were permitted to communicate with their relatives at
Jalalabad, and indeed, they used to go to see their friends and the
General in the city itself. And the wonder of all wonders was that
they themselves used to return to Badia Bad. Sirdar Mohamed
Akbar Khan treated his hostages with great courtesy and considera-
tion, especially the wounded men. On the way to Jalalabad, when they
brought a wounded man, one named Melville, he himself (the Sirdar)


Wazir Yar Mohamad Khan.


bound the wound and bandaged the wounded man's leg and
was most kind to him. On the way where-ever the hostages had
to cross a stream, he was most anxious that they should cross
with safety. According to the writing of the English writers
themselves, he used to play, sitting on the earth, with the English
children. He treated the women hostages with great kindness
and courtesy. Also with the officers his treatment was of utmost
courtesy and consideration. A letter which had been written
regarding the restitution of a daughter of one Anderson is being
reproduced here. This letter was in relation to that very man
Anderson who was taken as one of the hostages at Kabul, and which
had been reproduced in one of the numbers of Aryana Magazine
and in other publications. The text is as follows:

"...... With the usual titles to the Representative......

Regarding the daughter of Anderson, who had fallen into the
hands of the honourable Mohamed Omar Khan son of the honourable
Mir Ahmed Khan; and in consequence her relatives are greatly
distressed on her account. As written before, it is now being repeated
that it is most imperative that the daughter of Anderson accompanied
by trust worthy men should be sent here, which is as it should be, ot
herwise it shall be an act of deep omission. You, with the Grace of God
are wise and of much discernment, so that all endeavours be made to
recover this daughter of Anderson and to have her sent with utmost
comfort and despatch. News of that region may also be sent,
but this matter of Anderson's daughter must be attended to
without delay, and no disrigard should be allowed about it......
as the matter is an imperative one. May your days be full of
success with the help and command of the Ever Lasting God".

ISTALIF IN THE LEAPING FIRE.
ARTICLE: THIRTY FOURTH

The warriors of Kohistan and Kohdaman had taken a cons
picous share in the battles of the First Afghan War, which burst
upon us in the month of November 1841. A. D. at Kabul and at
Charikar, and the part played by those gallant fighting men can


- 130 -
not be forgotten. The warriors killed, on the outburst of
that war, and during the ultimate settlement, some of the
run-away and fleeing officers of the English between Kabul
and Gharikar. After that large numbers of them took part
in battles-many thousands of them-at Shairpore, and on the
hights of Bibi Maro. General Pollock, in order to take revenge
from those men, set fire to the beautiful village of Istalif
through Mecastle in 1842. A. D. In place of avenging himself
upon the fighters, he burned down the innocent walls and
doors of a village.

Towards the fourth year of the English occupation of
Afghanistan a great movement for national independence was launched
on 2nd November 1841. A. D. which fought the imperialist designs
of the aggressors. From that date onwards the great movement
grew in tempo, with the result that fighting took place at such
scattered places as the hillside of Bibi Maro, Shairore, in the
heart of the city of Kabul, in the neighbourhood of Charikar,
Wardak, Khurd Kabul and Ghazni, till at last a treaty was
signed between the leaders of the nation and the English in the
winter of 1842. A. D. and the capital of the Afghan kingdom
was evacuated. Unfortunately, as was anticipated in the terms of
the treaty, the whole of Afghanistan was not evacuated with
the removal of the English forces from Kabul. At two important
Afghan towns, Jalalabad and Kandahar the forces of the English
continued under Generals Sale and Nott. They gave verbal promises
and still continued to make endeavours to strengthen their military
position as soon as a relief force arrived from India to help them.
During the course of this time, Shahshuja was assassinated and his
son Fateh Jung sat on the throne at Bala Hisar. But the hope
of getting the throne for themselves, and the struggle for personal
gain that had entered into the minds of many leaders at the
time, began to weaken the national resistance, and the action which
had sprung up with such good promise and hope, and had
expressed itself for the benefit of the country, began to deteriorate
with the result that disturbances arose, that the beseiged English


- 131 -

forces at Jalalabad and at Kandahar taking heart drove off our forces actually from the walls of the citadels. Not only this, they made further thrusts at Khurd Kabul and Tayzeen. There is no doubt, of course, that in this progress of English aggression, the arrival of a large English force under General Pollock from India was in a manner a positive element, but pages of history bear witness to the fact that prior to the crossing of the Khyber Pass by the Pollock force, the troops under General Sale at Jalalabad, who were beseiged for a time, did in effect manage to drive our forces away and to force Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan to beat a retreat to Kabul. Some have indicated that these reverses were not reverses, as such, but merely a matter of military tactics undertaken at the advice of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan. At any rate, General Sale and General Pollock mutually strengthened, and finding Prince Fateh Jung still available, forced their way through to Kabul once again, and on the morning of 16th, September 1842. A. D. arrived at Bala Hissar. On that unfortunate day, once again the English standard was unfurled on the turrets of Bala Hisar with the rejoinings of the English and the boom of big guns.

The very first order which was issued by General Pollok upon arrival in Kabul was given to Maccastle to proceed towards Kohdaman and Kohistan in order to crush the resistance of the national fighters in that region. Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan was riding with the English officers towards Bamyan from Ghorband, and Aminullah Khan Logari, who had been depended upon to help the foreigners and prince Fateh Jung agains Sirdar Mohamed Zaman Khan, was now actually resisting the English. When the English stigmatised any person as their enemy, he was so regarded by them to the end of time. The English forces contined to advance helped by their big guns, and superior armaments, and the fire of the patriots used to recede further and further into the fastnesses of their highland homes as the aggressor advanced on and onwards into their territory beyond Istalif. Not long afterwards, however, those who had been driven out, saw smoke rise from the high hills of Istalif; and the leaves of the trees of beautiful Istalif with all the orchards and buildings were burnt


- 132 -
down at the hands of the aggressive troops of the English. Thus was burnt down the beautiful Istalif, the home of the patriots amidst the mountains of Kohdaman. But the patriots and their leaders Nayab Aminullah Khan Logari did not surrender, and proved that his foresight ofr the benefit of the nation and the opposition towards the invaders had nothing to do with any shifting temper, time serving, or personal motives.

* * *

F A T E H  J U N G.
( The king of Bala. Hisar.: )
ARTICLE THIRTY FIFTH

Amongst the many princes, who had sat on the throne at Bala Hisar, one was Fateh Jung, the son of Shah Shuja, the Sadozai. He ascended the throne after a few days of the assassination of his father. But during the short period of six months during which he considered himself king, his writ hardly ran beyond the fortress of Bala Hisar. Beyond the walls of Bala Hisar and its turrets of Yakiaghu, and Bijnaju he had no influence at all. This king one day sat upon the throne at Bala Hisar, and in that very Bala Hisar he was imprisoned, and from that citadel he escaped, and then at that very Bala Hisar he was again put on the throne by the English, and finally from that very Bala Hisar he was expelled by the wrath of the people and accompanied the English to India.

* * *

During the summer of the year 1842 A. D. ( 1258 A. H. which was the fourth year of the English occupation of the country, and when the English ignored to fulfill their engagements under clauses 3rd, 4th and 5th of the Treaty of 16th. Zihij, entered into at Kabul, the position was as follows: General Nott at Kandahar and General Sale at Jalalabad had continued to hold their ground contrary to the above mentioned agreement. General Pollock was moving towards Afghanistan with a large force from India. The people at Kabul were in a very anxious plight, and especially events at Bala Hisar gave cause to great uneasiness. The position deteriorated daily.


— 133 —

After the evacuation of the English troops from Kabul on the
6th of January 1842.A.D. ( 22nd. Zeqad 1258. A.H. ) during the months
which followed, that is during January, Febuary and the half of March
1842. A. D. ( months of Zilhij, Muharram and Safar 1258. A.H. ) Nayab
Aminullah Khan did his best to reconcile the two clauments to the
throne, namely Shahshuja Saduzai and Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan,
Barakzai, but he failed till Shahshuja was assassinated by Shujaudo-
ullah, the son of Zaman Khan, between Shahshaheed and Siah Sung
on the morning of Wednesday 15th. April 1843. A.D. ( 23rd . Safar 1258.
A.H. ) At that time there were two sons of Shahshuja at Kabul :
Prince Shahpore at Bala Hisar and prince Fateh Jung at Deh Khu-
daidad. As a result of the conference which took place at Bala
Hisar, Fateh Jung was elected as the King, and the people took
oath of allegiance to Fateh Jung, with the exception of Nawab Za-
man Khan and his supporters. Mir Darwaish, the head of the Kabul
Divines was amongst those who did not accept Fateh Jung as the
King. The opinion held by these people was that Shahshuja and his
descendents were not capable to rule, because they were too much the
tools of the foreigners . Without doubt, the personal interests of
Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan, who considered himself as the leader
of the people, were the cause of this apparent non-acceptance of
Fateh Jung as King. Matters reached such a pa s that the new King
commanded the expulsion of Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan, but the
noted divine Mir Darwaish intervened with Nayab Aminullah Khan,
Logari. At the interview tempers rose to such an extent that the
Nayab slapped the holy man's face, and the disputi in place of
being matter between the king and Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan,
now shifted between the holy man and the King's Minister, Ami-
nullah Khan Logari. The report of this struggle soon spread through-
out the town, and the people turned against the minister and set
fire to his house, and threatened him with physical violence till he
was compelled to take refuge in the Bala Hissar, and a battle bet-
ween Bala Hissar and the people of Kabul started. It was the time,
too, when Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan was engaged in battle aga-
inst General Sale and he expected reinforcements from Kabul ,
whereas Kabul was now busy with its own troubles. In the begin-
ning Fateh Jung sent out his brother to get rations for Bala Hisar,


— 134 —
snd when Shahpore was out on that errand a battle was precipitated between his men and those of Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan, and when the prince retreated to Bala Hisar, battles continued between the men of Bala Hisar and those in the streets of Kabul. The rival parties proposed that this street fighting should cease, and that the Contention should be settled on the heights of the neighbouring Maranjan. Here the forces of Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan were having the worse of it, when Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan, who having been repulsed by General Sale at Jalalabad, returned just in time at Kabul with three hundred horsemen, and as the possibilities of the return of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan from India were now bright, together with the force of Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan repulsed the forces of Fateh Jung, and beseiged him for forty days in Bala Hisar, and in the meantime opened negotiations with Nayab Aminullah Khan. It was ultimately decided that Fateh Jung should remain King and Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan should become the Minister of the Realm, so that the title of Vizir had been affixed to Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan from that date. This continued till Fateh Jung started communicating with General Pollock, and with the order of the Vizir was imprisoned. From the prison, Fateh Jung escaped to Jalalabad and took refuge with General Sale, and Pollock started for Kabul with his column. When Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan had in the meantime gone to Bamyan, Pollock arrived in Kabul, and on the 18th. Shaban 1258. A-H. (16th. September 1842. A.D.) Fateh Jung was again re-installed on the throne of Kabul with the help of the English forces. The only person who at that time faced the English was Nayab Aminulla Khan Logari. He had dug trenches on the mountains of Istalif. The period of reign of Fateh Jung on this second occasion, however, did not last long, for after only one month the English forces at Kabul moved out along with those in Kandahar. Now Fateh Jung finding himself without a protector, was very anxious about his safety and feared the wrath of the nation, thus he left the crown and accompanied the Englisn columns, so that with his going, the country was purged from his presence and that of the foreigners.


Fateh Jung.
Amir Mohamad Afzal Khan.
Sardar Shair Dil Khan.


Amir Shair Ali Khan.
Sardar Ahmad Khan Norzai.
Shah Zaman.


- 135 -

FATEH JUNG AND SHAHPORE.

The following is an extract from a book entitled TOFFATUL HABIB by Mulla Qasar Mohamed: Volume Two; pages 265,266.

"The English ostensibly started from Kandahar and Jalalabad to avenge the murdered men of their ranks, and to vindicate their promise to Kabul, so that the name of their government may not be besmirched, or that they sent out the gallant Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan with the ruse of escorting the dead body of General Elphinstone, and then to place him upon the throne and then return to whence they came. Their future activities, however, showed as to what was in their minds. In any case, these English converged from two directions upon Kabul, and when they reached near Kabul, Vazir Mohamed Akbar Khan, sensing what the English might possibly have in their minds proceeded towards Bamyan. When the Vizir had left the city, the English troops entered Kabul from two directions. For the second time prince Fateh Jung was placed upon the throne, and his Vizir was Ghulam Mohamed Khan son of Shair Mohamed Khan Mukhtarud-Doulah. Nayab Aminullah Khan proclaiming a Holy War took his stand at Char Deh and getting the help of the people of Kohistan raised the standard of revolt. The English knowing of this, sent a column of their men under the leadership of Prince Shahpore to suppress the insurrection at Charikar. This force repulsed the patriots and set fire to Istalif. Fateh Jung, however, seeing the dissatisfaction of the people and being distracted with it all, agreed to renounce the claim to the throne and indicated his desire to accompany the English troops to India. The Prince Shahpore was offered the unfortunate crown, but he too, noticing that the star of the Sadozai rule had really set, sat on a luckless throne, and the people treated him with contempt which he deserved, till his own well-wishers turned away from him.


- 136 -

NAYAB AMINULLAH KHAN LOGARI.
THE KHAN - The Governor - Aminullah. Nayabut Saltanuh,
The National Hero.
ARTICLE: THIRTY SIXTH

In the 18th and the 19th century of Afghan history, men have arisen whose great deeds have not been made known as they ought to have been known. From amongst such is one named Nayab Aminullah Khan Logari, who from his early age till he attained the age of sixty years, having in view the good of the country and its people, had been engaged in all battles against the invaders of this country. His activities during the First Afghan War proclaim his selfless devotion to the cause of his country. His name as the great and gallant warrior and defender of his people shall always remain in the annals of our country, and his name shall be remembered as an honoured one for ever.

One of the leaders of the nation, who during the later years of the Saduzi dynasty, and during the uprisings of the Barakzais, from the later years of the rule of Zaman Shah son of Timour Shah down to the end of the second period of rule of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan - that is for sixty years - during the Anglo-Afghan War, is to be respected and whose name shall always stand out with greatness and renown amongst the ranks of nobles and leaders of this nation, was undoubtedly Nayab Aminullah Khan Baraki, otherwise known as Nayab Aminullah Khan Logari.

He it was that held himself aloof from the weekness of self-seeking when men fought and battled for self-aggrandisement, when they struggled for a place for themselves in the troublous times of the invasions of the foreigners, when groups and individuals battered at the door of fame or sunk into oblivion in quest of self-interest during the turns and twists of the 19th, century of political turmoil in this country. This noble man was born in a village called Baraki Rajan of Logar in the year 1197. A. H, which was the 11th year of the reign of Timour Shah Saduzi. His mother was


-137-
a daughter of Kamal Khan of Khurram Khail Wardak, and lived till four years prior to the death of the Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, thus she must have attained an age of 87 years. Nayab Aminullal Khan had six brothers. His father died while he was in charge of Kashmir during the time of Timour Shah. His body was brought to Kabul, and the salary of the deceased officer was given by the government to his descendents for honest services rendered to the State. Amongst those letters, which recently have been purchased for the Kabul Museum, there is a letter dated the 5th of Ziqadulharam 1214. A.H. and is signed by the term:

"Alabud al-Muznab Dost Mohamed" revealing that the Khan Logari Nayab Aminullah Khan during the later years of Zaman Khan's rule had been acknowledged on behalf of the government as a Baraki nobleman and as head of the clan, and a yearly stipend of two hundred toumans Tubraizi, meaning four thousand ruppees, was granted to him. After Zaman Shah, and the ascending to the throne by Shah Mahmud Sadozai, Aminullah Khan Logari held the same position of a the head of Logar and Butkhak. It would appear that Fateh Khan entitled as SHAH-Dost had a particular liking for Aminullah Khan Logari. The Minister of the Realm Fateh Khan, who himself was one of the great pillars of national greatness, quite naturally valued the workers in the cause of the progress of the country, which is possibly the reason why through the recommendation of Fateh Khan, his friend Aminullah Khan Logari was made a head of Logar and Butkhak by Shah Mahmud Sadozai. A salary which was fixed for him by Zaman Shah was continued.

But when there was a cooling off of relationship between the Sadozai King and the Barakzai Minister, and the country was deprived of the national services of one like Fateh Khan, and after the shameful assassination of Payanda Khan, troublous times came upon the country as a result of discord between the two houses of Sadozais and Barakzais, Sirdar Mohamed Azim Khan remembering the former friend of Fateh Khan invited Nayab Aminullah Khan to come forward and assist the Barakzai Brothers by sending letters to himrom Kashmir and Peshawar.


--138--

There is little doubt that the Khan of Logar preferred to keep himself neutral in these internecine conflicts, but as long as he thought that the crown would continue to be held by one of the members of the Sadozai clan, he continued his support to that House. Shahshuja appointed Aminullah Khan as the head of Logar and Butkhak, and he made at Logar various improvements, such as the building of bridges, water channels, and forts, some of which carry his name to this day.

With the Barakzies, the Nayab had a friendly dealing, and each of them respected and valued him. In addition to this with the Barakzais he had made family connections; so that one of his daughters was married to Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan - the national hero - and the other was the wife of Sirdar Shumsuddin Khan. During the rule of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan the revenue of Logar and Butkhak was under the Nayab, and this was accredited by religious and legal documents. The fame of Nayab Aminullah Khan is more closely associated with those activities which he undertook during the first Afghan War when the English invaded this country. When the English, under pretexts of various kinds, disturbed the peace of Afghanistan, as all know, and brought discord and produced uneasiness against the rule of the rightful king Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, and their invading forces marched in from Kandahar and Ghazni into Kabul, and holding this country down for four years (from 1838 to 1842, A. D. ) plunged this country into distress and turmoil, there is little doubt that the leaders of the nation did not just sit idle, and did not plan out schemes to redeem the nation's honour and independence which was usurped by the cruel hands of the foreign protege - Shahshuja. On the contrary they persevered till the 2nd. of November of the year 1841. A. D. arrived and four gallant and volorous persons of resuscieated the national life in the country.

These four men, namely Abdullh Khan Achakzai, Aminullah Khan Logari, Sikundar Khan and Abdus Salam Khan had a secret conference at the hous of Abdullah Khan Achakzie, decided the fateful hour, and before the people moved out of their houses in the morning, they had gathered nationa support, and marched to the


- 139 -
house of the English commercial attache Alexander Burnes, burnt
down his house and killed him as also his brother Charles Burnes,
and a great national movement was set on foot at Kabul. This
struggle was continued in the shape of the battles which took place
between the Afghan nationalists and the English in such places as
Shair Pore, hillsides of Bibi Maro and etc, so that on the eleventh
day of this national up rising Abdullah Khan Achakzai received
myrtyrdom and the day after Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan arrived
from Bokhara and joined in the battle. During the four years of
the English occupation of Afghan territory, the people did not
accept the English protegs-Shahshuja-as the king, and for the time
being had considered Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan as a ruler.
Even at that time of political vaccillations Nayab Aminullah
Khah was regarded as the Nayab of Second Status, or indeed,
as a Nayabul Saltana. In the Treaty as signed between the
retreating English and the leaders of the nation-a treaty which
was not kept by the English-and is a very important document
relating to Afghan history (First January 1842. A. D.) signed at
Kabul. Nayab Aminullah Khan has been spoken of in the document
as (The Second Status Nayab of High Honour His Excellency
Nayab Aminullah Khan) which is the greatest proof of this
national hero's integrity and importance. After the evacuation
of the English forces from Kabul and the moving out of the
Elphinstone column towards Jalalabad, when Amir Dost Mohamed
Khan was a political detenue in India, and Sirdar Mohamed Akbar
Khan was engaged in battling against the English at Jalalabad,
while at Kabul Shahshuja and Sirdar Mohamed Zaman Khan were
struggling for the throne, and the Polleck column was moving
towards Afghanistan from India as an act of revenge against the
Afghan nation and was nearing Jalalabad from Peshawar, the only
person who watched for an oppoprtunity in this holocaust when
internecine conflict was at its highest, was Nayab Aminullah Khan
Logari. When he saw that the temper of the patriots was beginning
to cool down in bewilderment, and the English were still at
Kandahar and Jalalabad, the Nayab tried hard to produce a recon-
ciliation between Shahshuja and Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan.
He also endeavoured to persuade the Saduzai king to move against


- 140 -
the English at Jalalabad, and to incite the valour of the nation
for the protection of the country, but conditions changed with
the murder of Shahshuja, the defeat of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar
Khan and the entry of General Pollock's force in Afghanistan.
Later during the months of Rajab, Jamadul Sani, ane Shaban
1258. A H.(July, August & September 1842. A. D. ) were months
of great distress because of intense conflicts among the leaders
of this country. In Kabul Fateh Jung son of Shahshuja had pro-
claimed himself king. Between him and Nawab Mohamed Zaman
Khan fighting ensued, the house of the Nayab was sacked onaccount
of his supposed partiality towards Fateh Jung, Sirdar Mohamed
Akbar Khan on his return from Jalalabad restarted the fight against
Fateh Jung upon the Marunjan hill, till through the intervention
of the Nayab it was resolved that Fateh Jung should remain
kink and Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan should become the
Minister of the Realm. From that date Sirdar Mohamed Akbar
Khan was known as the Vizir, but unfortunately this settlement
had little meaning when the Pollock force entered Kabul, the
cohesion of national resistance broke down, and Vazir Mohamed
Akbar Khan left for Bamyan. Fateh Jung came under the protection
of the English. Nawab Mohamed Zaman Khan, whom the English
considered as their guest sat silently in his house. The only
man who collected a force of resistance in the north and fought
on to the end in the hills of Istalif against the English
detachment sent under Maccaste was Nayab Aminullah Khan
Logari. The English called him their Enemy Number One, and
they had every right to do so, because he was the only active
leader of the nation at the time. According to the report of one
of the compatriots of the Nayab, Amir Dost Mohamed Khan during
the second period of his reign flung Nayab Aminullah Khan
into the dungeon, and the Nayab died in prison at the age of 87 years.


141
THE BEGINNING OF GENERAL UPRISING AGAINST
THE ENGLISH IN KANDAHAR

ARTICLE THIRTY SEVENTH

The well-known national movement at Kabul, which
started with the burning of the house of Burnes and of
his assassination spread with the utmost rapidity through out
the country. The various aspects of this movement as regards
such localities as Kabul, Charikar, and Ghazni have been
detailed to a considerable extent, but this is the first article
which contrives to reveal those national activities which were
directed against General Nott at Kandahar. During this
natoinal demonstration a large number of people collected
around the city of Kandahar, and by setting fire to the
gate of Herat at Kandahar on the night of loth March 1842,
started to attack the English.

The great anti-English national demonstration of Kabul, which
started with the burning of the house of Burnes and his assassina
tion on Thursday 2nd of November 1841.A.D. (17th. Ramazan 1157.
A.H.) is one of the important dates in the history of Afghanisan, which
ought to called the Day of National Uprising against the for
eign occupation of the Country. This uprising was in very possible
way a national uprising: because by the movement the nation was
united against the foreigner and a king who was the protector of the
foreign powers occuping the country : and that by the command
of the real leaders of the nation, the people rose in a body against
the enemies of the country. The movement at Kabul which resul
ted in a conflict between the people and the army, and the peeple
won the day completely, the whole movement spread like lightening
in and around Kabul, so that first within six miles, then to a dis
tant of 12 miles, and later further it moved rapidly to Maidan,
Wardak, Logar, and upto Ghazni, finally reached Kandahar.


- 142 -
Particulars of the Kabul Movement were given under the headings of Second of November 1841 in the 30th article of this series.

The various points about battles that took place between the people and the English at Shairpore were recounted under the title of "The Mover, The Warrior, the Victor and the Martyr" in article 31 of this series. These particulars have, therefore, been studied by the readers. The reaction of this movement was made manifest at Charikar and the proximity of Kabul, with Charikar as the point of contact between these two places in this regard. Thus the nationalists of the northern regions atonce attacked the English forces at Killa Lughmani, some five miles from Charikar, and after assassinating some English officers there they chased the English forces to Kabul, and joined hands with the forces of their Kabul friends in the battles of Shairpore.

Inspite of the fact that during the severe winter of 1841. A.D. at Ghazni communications between Kabul and Ghazni were very difficult, the news of the uprising of the Afghans at Kabul and their continued resistence reached Ghazni. But this national movement did not come to a conclusive stage due to circumstances already narrated, namely the occupation of Kabul and Jalalabad by the nationalist forces, and the fact that the English forces still held Kabul's Bala Hissar. From the beginning of November 1841. A.D. till the beginning of April 1841 the citedal of Ghazni remained baseiged.

Every one knows that during two and half years that the English remained in occupation of Afghanistan in the name of Shahshuja the English forces were distributed at three points, that is at Kabul, in Kandahar and at Jalalabad. At Kandahar, the English had a Political Adviser and a General with their troops and one of the sons of the "King" Shahshuja was also there as Governor of the place. When these development taking place at Kabul, General Nott was the military Commander and major Rawlinson as the political Agent at Kandahar and Safdar Jung had but recently given over the charge to prince Timour there.