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HISTORICAL SOCIETY
OF AFGHANISTAN

MEN
AND
EVENTS

THROUGH 18th AND 19th CENTURY

AFGHANISTAN

by
AHMAD ALI KOHZAD


PREFACE

Men and Events through 18th and 19th century, Afghanistan.

This is a collection of 46 articles originally written in Persian and published in book form some years ago, giving short sketches of some of the important events in Afghan History through 18th and 19th century.

They also give brief biographies of some outstanding Personalities who had played leading roles on the scene of those historical events.

We hope that the publication of an English version of this book will be useful to our foreign readers who may be interested in the history of our country.

Ahmad Ali Kohzad


Contents
Page
1. Ahmed Shah and Timour Shah 1
2. Zaman Shah and a policy of Indian penetration 4
3. The mistake of Zaman Shah 9
4. The success and failure of Zaman Shah 11
5. In the fort of Ashik. The Shinwari 15
6. Humayun 18
7. The Prince Qaisar 23
8. Battles between Shah Mahmud and Shah Shuja 27
9. Wazir Fateh Khan 30
10. Mukhtaruddowlah: Shair Mohamed Khan (The Bamizai and Shah Shuja) 33
11. Atta Mohamed Khan Bamizai 38
12. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan 42
13. Two kings in one palace 46
14. Two kings in one city 49
15. Habibullah Khan (The son and the riches of Sirdar Azeem Khan) 51
16. The Saduzai in Herat (Shah Mahmud & Kamran in one corner of Afghanistan) 54
17. Yar Mohamed Khan Alkozai 59
18. Towards the frontier delineation 64
19. The English interest it Herat matters 69
20. The struggle of two sirdars in capturing of Kabul 73
21. The meeting of and clash of Ayub Shah against Purdil Khan at Bala Hisar 77
22. The plan and the purpose of Shair Dill Khan 81
23. The scheme of 1242 A.H. 85
24. Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan and the Kandahar Government 89
25. Two crowning ceremonies (The barley and wheat heads) 93


The Forward Policy 96
27. The tripartite treaty: The English the Sikhs & Shuja 101
28. How the gateway of the Ghazni Citadel was blown up 110
29. The battle of spear and the shield 113
30. Second November of 1841 118
31. The instigator: The hero The victor: And the Martyr 121
32. The Abandoning of Shairpore 6th January 1840. A.D. 123
33. Padia Bad 126
34. Istalif in the leaping fire 129
35. Fateh Jung (The king of Bala Hisar) 132
36. Nayab Aminullah Khan Logari 136
37. The beginning of general uprising against the English in Kandahar 141
38. Akhtar Khan Dawari 145
39. The rise and fall of Kandahari Sirdars 149
40. Sirdar Sultan Ahmad Khan and the Herat Government 153
41. Ten months siege of Herat 158
42. The revolt of Azad Khan, the governor of Kashmir and the action of H.M. Timour Shah against him 162
43. Timour Shah Durani and the plan of wazir Shah Wali Khan 165
44. The last days of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan 168
45. Amir Shair Ali Khan Struggles with his brothers 171
46 The results of Co-operation 176


FIRST ARTICLE

AHMED SHAH & TAMUR SHAH .
( Haji Jamal & Payanda Khan. )

In this article we have spoken of four persons; two of Sadu Zai and two belonging to the Barakazais. Two of them were kings, and two were their advisers & their Ministers. The qualities of the two later persons were selfless devotion to the cause of the nation: which unfortunately was so much lacking during the 18th & 19th. centuries of our country's history; which was the cause of domestic struggle, & saoping the strength and vitality of the nation.

* * *

In the title of this article the names of four persons have been taken. Their names, during the reign of the Saduzais are so well known, that every one knows the importance of their personalities. It is qui te well known that Ahmed Shah and Tamur Shah-the father and son-have been kings of Durrani-Saduzai dynasty, who had ascended the throne one after the other. Haji Jamal and Payanda Khan belonging to the Barakzai Clan-as father and son-were contemporary to the above mentioned kings .

The point which we should like to emphasise in this article, is that these two great men of Afghanistan possessed sublime qualities of selflessness, of impersonal attitude to national service and appreciation of prudent measures. The importance of the qualities of these nobles of influence and forsight, it was that exalted them to the place of such honour in the estimation of the king that they were reckoned as the first rank counsellors. In point of fact, too, the administration of Ahmed Shah and that of his son, Tamur Shah were strengthened and sustained through the wisdom and devoted co-operation of these nobles.

On the occasion when the leaders of the Afghan clans used to elect one of the nobles from amongst themselves as a king at a gathering at Kandahar; the clan of Saduzai, from the point of number of families and number of men in it, was the smallest of them


- 2 -
all ; so that if the comparative strength of the number
of households of Barakazai and Sauduzais were to be
judged, the former was almost one ninth or one tenth times grea-
ter than the later. The historians seem to think that the reason of the
election of Ahmed Shah to the throne was really due to the fact
that his clan was very small, and, therefore, so that if he (Ahmed
Shah) behaved contrary to the interests of the entire clans, then it
would be the more easy to dethrone him from the rulership of the whole.

In any case, the qualities, which could be appreciated in the
Sadu zai Sirdar, he was elected to rule. He was designated as
His Majesty Ahmed Shah carrying the title of Duray duran, mea-
ning "the Pear of Lusture" ; and the nation styled him as the
Father of the Nation. Haji Jamal Khan, the leader of the powerful
clan of Barakzais, who had a great chance for being elected, tram-
pling under foot the self-seeking desires-a disease which had over-
taken practically all the leaders of the nation of the time - accepting
the leadership of the Saduzai leader as the ruler of entire Afghan-
istan, thus strengthening the foundation of national integrity .His action,
at a very critical time of Afghan history, has left a noble mark
upon the annals of our country. Ahmed Shah, on his part, till the
end of his time did not fail to respect the valuable services of his
great cooperator, and bestowed all consideration consonant with the
Elders position and sacrifice; so that from the very smallest to the
greatest issues of the realm the the advice of Jamal Khan was
constantly sought by the king.

King Ahmed Shah died in the year 1773. A. H. and was soon
followed by his devoted friend Haji Jamal Khan. Circumstances so
contrived that, after a brief readjustment, Tamur Shah on one side
and Payanda Khan on the other - as the respective sons of the older
friends - were cast upon the stage in time to perform their duties.
Haji Jamal Khan had four sons; Rahim Dad Khan, Payanda Khan,
Haroun Khan and Bahadur Khan. Although after the death of Ahmed
Shah, the deceased king's minister - one named Shah Wali Khan -
placed Sulaiman Shah, his son-in-law and the younger of the sons
of Ahmed Shah Durrani, yet much time had not passed that
Prince Tamur arriving from Herat, in defference to the wishes of a


- 3 -

large number of clan nobles, ascended the throne of his father in
the year 1773. A. H.

In the first instance, the new king bestowed rather more of
his interest towards the first born of Haji Jamal Khan, one named
Rahim Dad Khan, and acknowledged him as the leader of the great
Barakzai Clan; but as he was devoid of the qualities of leadership,
for he was somewhat of a miser-the Afghans as a rule are not ena-
moured by a man who has not a large table and is not hospitable,
and thus, the people of the tribes showed their disapproval of the man;
the king impelled by these tribal complaints exalted the second son
of Haji Jamal Khan to the leadership of the Barkazai clan, naming
him as Sarfaraz Khan. The newly installed leader of the Barakzais-
Payanda Khan-now known as Sarfaraz Khan made every effort to
serve the best interests of the administration of Tamur Shah. The
first service which he rendered, was that he pacified a trouble
which had arisen against Tamur Shah on the part of the minister
of Ahmed Shah Durrani, one named Shah Wali Khan - who incited
an uncle of the late king Ahmed Shah - one named Abdul Khalib
Khan - to raise a standard of revolt. Despite the fact that Payanda
Khan had not had a large number of troops, yet he managed to win.
Later Payanda Khan was appointed to serve in Kashmire with Dila-
war Khan Ashaq Zai, and after that he was in charge of revenue
department of Quetta and Thal where the excellence of his service
was deeply appreciated . The king was highly pleased with him
and he was entrusted with the Ghi Lzai administration to his previously
dicated duties. His place near the ruler was now assured , and later
in the reign of Tamur Shah, when trouble arose in the region of
Peshawar and in Balkh, both of these mouvement being of great dan-
ger to the king, he came to the forefront and served his ruler, thus
completely securing the steady rule for his mentor. As has been
judged in history, Timour Shah had not those great qualities which
characterised his remarkable father ; so that if one were to probe
deeply into the historical development of that age, one would soon
discover that the man who again and again strengthened the roots of
Tamour Shah's reign for no less than twenty years, with his valour,
his forsight, and his selflessness, was no other than Payanda Khan.


- 4 -

SECOND ARTICLE

ZAMAN SHAH.
(And a policy of Indian penetration)

Zaman Shah is the third Saduzai king, who had considerable interest in regards to an advance towards India. He was so intensely devoted to the project that, he would not concern himself with anything beside that idea. Even if he saw anything apart from that project, he would at all times sacrifice it to the main issue which consumed his being. No year would he sit idle without thinking and Planning as to how he could get to the easternmost of his one time province, that is Lahore. The East India Company, which by dint of its great effort had made itself the master of the lar gest parts of Indian territory, working up from the Bay of Bengal; naturally opposed the designs of Zaman Shah; and set out to remove the threat of the danger of Zaman Shah. This article concerns itself with the description of that struggle).

There is, of course, no doubt that Ahmad Shah Durrani, the Founder of the Sadu Zai dynasty, on account of his frequent military expeditions, which resulted in the Battles of Panipat, open ed the path of conquest of India; and in the annals of 18 th. century the records of the Afghan's fighting power and qualities were fully acknowledged. From amongst the descendents of Ahmed Shah was his grandson Zaman Shah, the son of Tamur Shah - who upon mounting the throne in 1793. A. H. till those troublesome times, when the insinuation of the foreigners and the rivalry of the people in the country itself brought difficulties in his path; had ever engaged his attention towards an Indian expedition.

It seemed that some internal power without doubt at least once a year took him up to the Punjab, so that whilst there, he could plan his further progress into the heart of India and to give it a practical form and shape. It is, of course, undisputed that this urge of Zaman Shah was not entirely out of his own mind alone ; for he wanted that the road that had been trod by his grandfather, and had met with success he, too, should persue it with the like result. But he did


- 5 -

not appreciate the fact that although there was a clear similiarity
between his desires and that which his grandfather had wished and
had achieved the place and time had no similiarity.

The lack of appreciation of this fact, and the taking of a new
route produced failure for his efforts not only in Indian expedi-
tions , but also contributed-as fundamental reasons-to his fall at home.
At whatever time Ahmed Shah Durrani attacked India , he pro-
ceded whereever he wanted to go. But Zaman Shah inspite of
the fact that the Punjab formed a part of his realm , that is of
Saduzai dynasty , and that Zaman Shah actually reached Lahore
several times ; he could not take a single step forward beyond
Lahore. The troops of the East India Company , who had been
based in India had found that the defeat of the Marahttas at the hands
of the Afghans , and the Battles of Panipat had cleared the road
for their march north-west of India : they , thereore , skirting the
Ganges basin came forward and were playing with the then
conditions in the Punjab .

It is related that the Directors of the East India Company ,
and especially those who were conducting the penetration policy
of imperialism in regards to India, were excercised in mind on account
of Napoleon's interest in India on one side , and of the
interest shown by the Czars of Russia on the other . These points
are certainly true . But these fears were born in the minds of
the Directors of the East India Company after 1799. A. D. for
they had been watching attentively from their distant base at
Calcutta,that their first and immediate danger was the progress of Zaman
Shah , the Sadu zai king of Afghanistan . They noted that every
year at least once , the fighting men from the Tirah hills , Safaid
Koh and the Khyber area together with the Afghan troops , the
king marched up to Lahore , as the last frontier town of his king-
dom , and cast upon thh whole of India an ominous shadow .

Lord Wellesley , the English Governor , who was in Indian
the Agent of the East India Company , soon appreciated the fact
that when an Afghan king ruled in the Afghan areas-areas that
included the eastern and south-eastern portions of north India-it


- 6 -
would be a child's play for the Afghans to conquer India. View-
ing this fact as early as one hundred and fifty year prior to the
time (in 1797) Lord Wellesley devised a scheme by wich not only
the Afghan progress is to be stopped making its way further into
north-India to Lahore and beyond; but the areas of the east and
south-east beyond the western regions of the Indus river, includ-
ing the areas of Sindh and Baluchistan should be seized from them.

English writers, like Alphinstone, Rawalson, Maleson, Tail
etc; are all united in expressing the opnion that, the fundametal
policy as laid down at Calcutta in the third quarter of the 18th
century of Christian Era contrived to place all sorts of impede-
ments in the path of Zaman Shah Sadu Zai, whether in the
western borders of Afghanistan, or even in his country itself in
order to "keep him busy", so that he may not be permitted to
enter into the eastern part of his realm in the Punjab and his
plans for a progress in India may be made nul and void.
To execute this policy, the workers for the East India com-
pany had devised ways and means: one such stratagem was to
have him engaged against the Qadjaras in the western frontiers
of Afghanistan so that the attention of the Sadu Zais might be
diverted in that direction. On the other direction, in the East;
it was so thought that the Sikh Paja should disturb the peace
of his kingdom in the Punjab.

The East India Company discovered a devoted "servant" of their's
at Bushar, a merchant of Iran, who lived at Bombay, by the name
of Mahdi Ali Khan, and who was an Indian subject. As the East
Company's view point was imperialist and megalomanic and they
were building and using their moral and material strength and
power towards that end: in the like manner, their "servant"
Mahdi Ali Khan in Bushar, in addition to trade and business,
interested himself in politics; and by various manipulations of
craft related thereto managed to have an influence at the Persian
Court. In consequence of this, he arranged repeatedly to send Agha
Mohamed Shah and Fateh Ali Shah to the frontiers of the west-
tern parts of Zaman Shah's kingdom, first to Meshad, then to
Nishapor and ultimately towards Herat. After a year an Eng-


- 7 -

lish Mission under the leadership of one named Malcolm undertook to carry matters further afield .

Meantime, other circumstances took shape; for some time the Qadjar kings themselves undertook aggressive movements against the Afghan kings; whilst at other occasions, disgruntled Afghan princes, like Firouz Uddin and Kamran were encouraged to produce disturbance on the western frontiers of Afghanistan. When the Af-ghan king was thus engaged to pacify the western frontiers of his realm, the Sikh Rajas, like Sahib Singh, Gulab Singh, Mahabat Singh and Ranjit Singh moved in the easter regions of the Afghan territory in the rear. There is little doubt that in both of these discomforting movements east and west, the hidden hand of the East India Company was at work. These activities kept Zaman Shah, some time in the West and at times in the East wholly occupied. On all occasions, advantage was taken in his absence; so that when he was so occupied, a stroke was administered upon him on various points and his plans were disrupted.

Zaman Shah, meantime, was greatly interested in Indian matters and his hope of marching further into that country, thus, he gave little attention and care to that which happened in the western fringes of his kingdom. Every year, therefore, after assuming power, in the year 1793. A. D. he used to visit Peshawar, Attock, and Lahore - always, of course, with the intention of taking another step forward beyond Lahore into the heart of India. That which rather strongly encouraged the Afghan king in his desire to enter into the vital parts of India, were the constant invitations of the Nababs of Delhi, those of Oudh and of Mysore. As the writers (English) themselves have recorded , the event of Zaman Shah's arrival in Lahore, used to create considerable tremours in India; and his penetration upto Lahore gave thought to many minds, regarding the earlier victories of his grand father Ahmed Shah in the land of the Hind.

The Sadu Zai king ving visited the Punjab many times such as in the years: 1783, 1795, 1796, 1797,1799; and Sikh Rajas at the time were scattered about in localities such as Gujrat, Wazirabad, Lahore, and Amritsar; and all of them were the vassals of the Sadu


- 8 -
Zai king. As the political encouragement of the East India Company was responsible in producing difficulties for Zaman Shah on his western borders by the Persian kings or his agents; in the like manner the company's agents-open and covered-acted unceasingly to incite the Sikh Maharajas against their Afghan Over-Lord: and these Maharajas were encouraged to desire to overthrow their vassalage for a "shadow independence" of their own. Conditions continued to go on like this, till in the year 1799. A.D hethought of a plan of action in which the spirit of loyalty could be made operative; and thought that of those Sikh Rajas,who were faithful to him, more rel-iance might be made; and the Punjab territories might well be entr-usted to their care; (he resorting to some sort of indirect rule).

With a view to this, Zaman Shah placed Ranjit Singh, a man of experience, and enjoying the confidence of the Afghan king upon the Punjab goverment; so that Ranjit Singh, as the governor of the Punjab - Punjab being still the realm of the Afghans took charge of the a dministration there. This stratagem, at the time was regarded as point of great statemanship; but in reality as events revealed-was the beginning of the decline of the Afghan power and government in the Punjab; because the chief manoeuvering hand-that is to say the hand of the East India Company-who awaited some such chance, so much strengthend Ranjit Singh, to his own advantage and for his own use, of course; that the political events which emerged from that single act upto the advent of the Mohamed Zai rule and even after bear witness to the mistake then made.

NOTE: THE ASCENSION TO THE THRONE BY ZAMAN SHAH.
On Doushambay, 8th of Shawalal Mukaram 1207. A. H. (Moon Calendar) Tamur Shah died in Kabul; and his son Zaman Shah and in Throne Room of Bala Hisar acended the throne of Afghanistan. A poet has versified the date of the occasion:

Two impressions. a beauteous and a sad one-were cast .
The Moon sat and the Sun rose from the horizon .
Due to heavenly constatation; Timour "rose" to go away.
And in his place sat Zaman Shah ( on the kingly throne.)


-9-

THE MISTAKE OF ZAMAN SHAH.

THIRD ARTICLE

The mistake which Zamman Shah made in installing one Rahmat Ullah Khan-Wafadar Khan-as his adviser and minister; and the methods which Wafada Khan adopted towards the administation of the realm, and the advice which he gave to his king in regards thereto, contributed to the weekness of the kingdom and the Afghans. The result wos that the imperialist designs of the westerners were projected afresh towards Asia: so that one of them, quite soon, cast its net through trade for the acquiring of territory in our neighbouring lands of the East. In consequence much blood was shed, and thereby the intriguers continued to profit by the ugly situations thus created; and the contention should be believed which it is stated that they continued to profit by that to the end.

There is little doubt that amongst the sons of Timour Shah, the one who was the most competent to rule the country of his fathers, was Zaman Shah. This matter was fully known to the wise men who had experience, like Sirdar Payunda Khan, Qazi Faizullah Khan and Mullah Abul Ghafar Khah. Prior, therefore, to the death of Timour in order to serve the king's family and the benefit of the nation and for the peace and prosperity of the country, they had prepared the people for Zaman Shah's ascending to the throne of his father: further more, these gentlemen, had secured the adhesion of Zaman Shah's brothers to Zaman Shah's occupying the throne after Timour Shah. Despite the fact that opposition did manifest itself in this regard from such as Abbas and Mahmud in Kabul and Kandahar and Herat; yet Sirdar Payunda Khan, due to his wise manipulation and sagacity managed to overcome the difficulties, and solved the problem in favour of Zaman Shah; till Zaman Shah's rivals, partly on account of lack of support which did not come to them, and partly due to the circumstances of the time, reluctantly agreed to Zaman Shah's ascending the throne. They, however, wait edfo their opportunity.


- 10 -
As soon Zaman Shah after the death of his fathear,
finding his brothers' submission complete discovered that he was
strong enough; he unfortunately slowly began to change his at-
titude, and assumed an autocratic mien. During the course of
these events, it became apparent that Sirdar Payanda Khan, who
had the service of the king at heart, and was the true worker
for his nation as a man of considerable experience and acuemn,
was receding from the favour of the king. Another man, by the
name of Wafadar Khan replaced the great Sirdar Payanda Khan
as a minister of the Afgan monarch. This Wafadar Khan, accor-
ding to a contemporary historian was a man of political craft,
wih soft and soothing manners and voice, which he used to a
fault even on occasions when he acted as a Court Jester. His
attitude towards those who served under him, was full of aro-
gance and haughtiness, and in his behaviour in respect of those
above him in station, he was subservient and cringing. He was
afraid of the least appearance of difficulty or mis-carriage in
events, he loved his appointment considerably, and to safe-guard
his own place in administration, he left nothing undone to severe
the connection or contact between the king and his best to pro-
duce a sense of repugnance towards the people on the part of
their ruler. This man possessing such childish traits, who was impel-
led by no other than his personal interests, had attained such
close attention of the king that the monarch had placed all po-
wer and administration in his hands, and Zaman Shah was just a
tool in the hands of this worthless person. As was but natural,
the ideas of the king were poisoned to such a degree that he
devoutedly set his foot forward to oppose the recognised leaders
of people; and notably was soured towards the Barak Zais. Al-
though the animosity between the Barakzais and the Sadu Zais,
which produced such drastic difficulties both for the people and
the country of Afghanistan, is said to belong to other reasons
the real and the true reason of this conflict is that very do-
ubt and mistake which brought Wafadar Khan to the chair of a
minister of the realm. The King's Favourite, of course, as could
be expected, took advantage of that weekness and of that conflict
and the illtreatment reached to un-bearable extent, in regards to
the well-wishers of the country. Quite naturlly this progress


— 11 —

of events produced its reaction. Secret societies were born against the
king and his thoughts. Ultimately five persons constituted
a committee in relation the election of the king and his inf
luence and power, so that the importance should always remain
in the hands of the elders of the people. This commitee resolved
to dethrone the king, to kill Rahmat Ullah Khan and to
elect Shah Shuja for the throne of Afghanistan. This secret, ho-
ewever, could not remain hidden from the informers of the king's
favourite-Rahmat Ullah Khan-so these secrets reached his ears from
the lips of the members of the committee itself.

Zaman Shah, first of all considered his own personal safety,
and changed his Royal Guards; and by giving money, gifts bes
towing favours of sorts, captured the friendsip of some of the
people and their leaders. But by various dubious ways, surrounded
them one by one-one of them being Pyanda Khan-he managed
to have then assassinated by calling them for consultation as
ruse. Payanda Khan was one of the great leaders of his people
whose co.operation had steadied the work of administiation: and thus
as soon as he fell a victim of his rivals at the hands of the king
in the country arose those facts fo high tradegy which lasted til
Second Anglo-Afghan Wars: during times, Great damage was done
to the intrests of the country and the nation.

THE SUCCES AND FAILURE OF ZAMAN SHAH.

FOURTH ARTICE

The period of reign of Zaman Shah is an admixture of
events both successful and of failure. His success was notably in
the realm of those battles which he fought against the foreigners.
His failure, was largely due to the personal interests of his Courti-
er, inter-tribal animosities, and inter-clan discords. His ideas were
sound enough, so far as they went, but in carrying on those pro-
jects, his ooubts and prejudices against the Elders of the Clans,
prevented their successful conclusion. In the first instance, the co-
operation and help of the Elders of the clans, might not have
appeared to him as significant, but in the last analysis, such doubts


and untrust affected the solidarity of his kingdom, produced
fundamental weaknesses; which sowed the seeds of conflict into the
soil of the kingmdom. The result being that at last, the Sadu Zai
dynasty lost the throne; and great personages and importance
deserted the.

In the third aricle of this period of history, we had mentioned
that prior to the death of King Timour Shah, the Elders of the
clans-impelled notably by such towering personalities as Sirdar
Payunda Khan-who were sincere lovers of the power and prosperity
of their country; it was resolved to set on the throne Zaman Shah,
who possessed the qualities of rulership as compared to the other
twentyone sons of Timour Shah. Inspite of it all, Zaman Shah was
not able to rule in peace. His brothers, like Humayun and Mahmud
made all possible efforts to secure the throne. In any case, the per-
iod of rule of Zaman Shah, as the rule of the Third Sadu Zai king,
had a historical importance. The real imprtance of it is constituted
by the Afghan king's battles against the foreigners. The time was,
when the foreigners from the west countries especially from France,
England and Russia were out to introduce their influence in India,
Their approximation to the Indian continent, the Persian Gulf, str-
ted a disturbance in the east, such as in Persia, Mesopotamia and
in the neighbouring countries of Afghanistan: so that matters of
conflict extended their tentacles in all directions. Zaman Shah was
to a certain degree aware of these movements, and desired to take
advantage of the circumstances fo the benefit of his own country,
so that he wished that in the interior of the country fuedal difficul-
ties may be removed; and as an external policy he could push his
efforts to the extent of the conquests of his grandsire, Ahmed Shah
Durrani in India.

There is no doubt that of the two above mentioned problems,
the first one: namely the quilling of the internal discord was the
more important, But although 'the intenal peace was the more desi-
rblae in equal measure it was riddled with difficulties.


-13-

In solving the internal difficulties, however, unfortunately impedements arose from the very first step; and as time progressed they continued to increase in magnitude. Regarding the mistake of Zaman Shah, we have already made a mention in the third article; that is to say how the Elder of the people Payanda Khan, as one of the Sirdars, had been angered due to the appointment of Rahmat Ullah Khan-Sadu Zai-and Wafadar Khan's appointment as the Minister of the Realm). Wafadar Khan, as may be recalled was the title bestowed upon Rahmat Khan, by Zaman Shah. Also, as in consequence of the intrigue from the Favorite of the King Payanda Khan and other leaders had been assassinated. In addition to this animosity towards the Barakzais came into being. Not only this but the opposition of the brothers of the king, especially that of Mahamud, and an other group this fire was further fanned into flames.

Few will doubt the fact that Wafadar Khan was in tune with the wishes and views of his master; an dit was, therefore, possible that due to the confusion that had arisen, the king was able to bring he Punjab into the orbit of his realm; by virtue of which he had placed Ranjit Sinjit Singh as his governor in the Punjab; that is in Lahore as a representative of the kingdom of the Durrani crown.

Opposition to Zaman Shah, however, in the interior of the country, from his brothers, continued to increase since it began in the beginning of his rule. Mahmud, who had been quietened, once again raised the standard of descension and was actively on the war path. The antagonism of the Barak Zais was per onified by Fateh Khan. These domestic intransigencies and feelind of disquiet of clansmen encourage the hopes of the foreign elements towards matters in Afghanistan. The creeping up of the English to the northern reaches of India, induced Ranjit Singh to actions of disloyalty and self-assertion. In the western regions, the Qachar kings of Persia gave lands and property at Tar Shaiz to Mahmud; for Aqa Mohamed Khan and Fateh Ali Shah had an eye on Khorasan; not only this, but the Afghan prince was incited to inrode the more into the Afghan territory. Zaman Shah's difficulties sprang up periodically, and without any desire from the king himself, some times from the direction of Lahore whilst the similiar disturbance arose from the


-14-
direction of Herat. Zaman Shah, however, had to keep on protecting
his realm from both directions.

When Zaman Shah was in Kandahar in the 1219, A. H. (Moon
Calendar) he received a letter from his brother Shah Shuja, who
was then the governor at Peshawar informing him of the reactionary
attitude of Ranjit Singh. The king there upon appointed one named
Mahir Ali Khan-an Ishaq Zai-as the governor of Kandahar ; and
taking a large army marchd on to Peshawar on his way to the
Punjab. This was a time, when Mahmud having taken action against
Herat was on his way to Bukhara in ordre to seek assistance from
the Amir of Bokhara. But in Bukhara he was arreested ; but he was
ustimately able to escanpe by way of Khiva and Ishqabad to Tehran:
and journey with Fateh Ali Shah up to Tarshaiz. But these help-see-
king comings and goings nothing tangable resulted. These journeys
did not produce any resulte, till, however, one of the Afghan Sird-
dars, one named Fateh Khan, came to join him ( Mahmud. ) The two
thus allied resulved to attack Kandahar by going trough Seistan.
Mahir Ali Khan, who was appointed governor of Kandahar by Zaman
Shah, prioar to bis journey to meet Ranjit Sing, taking a body of
troops of five thousand foot and horse soldiers, gave battle-to Mah-
mud and his ally Fateh Khan at Kushk-i-Nakhud ; bnt was defeated ;
and retreated to Kandahar. The city was beseiged, and after a seig
of forty two days, the city was surrundered to Mahud. Mahr Ali
Khan hurried to Peshawar to give the news of the fall of Kandahar
to Zaman Shah at Peshawar.

The king in anger, gave up his persuit of Ranjit Singh in the
Punjab and started on the road to Kabul ; from where he marched
on to meet the forces of Mahud and Fetah Khan at Kandahar by
way of Ghazni. Ten thousand soldiers, under the command of his son
Prince Nasir and Ahmad Khan Nour Zai were then sent out towards
Kandahar. At a place called Sar Asp lying between Killat Ghilzia
and Muqur the king's commander-Ahmed Khan Nour Zai-surrundered
to Mahmud and the Prince had to beat a retreat. Zaman Shah retra-
ecshid steps from Ghazni to Kabul in ored to strength his forces ;
but as soon as he reached Kabul, the few that he had as his
soldiers, deserted their ranks. The king now moved towards Jalala-


- 15 -

bad; and wrote to his brother Shhuhsaja, the governor at Peshawar, to send him the help of the Sadu Zai and the men of Kyber. At night the king, togather his his favourite Wafadar Khan, and other of his followvers took refuge in the fort of a Shinwari named Ashiq near Jagdaluk. Whilst the Shiwari was attending to the wants of his visitors, yet took the chance of sending a word to Mahmud; and a brother of Fatheh Khan-one named Asad Khan-was sent out to capture the king; and Shahshuja despatched Abdul Karim Khan from Peshawar to relieve his brother-the king, tolalbad. But Asad Khan hastening his steps, managed to capture the king and his faithful minster, and brought them to Kabul. Wafadar Khan was assassinated; Zaman Shah, by the order of Mahmud was rendered blind and was flung in a dungeon at Bala Hisar.

HIFTH ARTICE
* * *

IN THE FORT OF ASHIK. THE SHINWARI.

The term of sovereignty ofan important Saduza iking, Zaman Shah the son of Timour Shah, terminated due the circumtances, which could not even find a place in the mind of that king. The turn of the events was atonce tragic and fearful, because that which haPpened not only cost the king his throne; his eyes but that he had the mifortune to be cast into the prison to live a life of utter misery and want.

* * *

Most of the contemporay events of Afghan history have been plunged into dramatic atmosphere; so that a large number of the big and small incidents in relation thereto appear form behind the background of history in an envolved shape and have an appearance of unexpected turns and of bafflements; vhich in the term ued by the Euopeans are regarded merely as "in the current of events of history."

The appearance of Zaman Shah, an important Sadu Zai king, at the fort of one Ashik the Shinwari, in itself is not an extraordinary incident or happening; but those matters which took


-61-
shape during that night of refuge at that fort are the stories of wonder and amazement. The should be so for when a person arrives at a place in the evining as a king, very same personalty goes out of the very same door as a captive.

During that night the king not only forfeited his greatness his importance, his crown and jewels, his power and prestige: but also sight. This unfortunate king, who was emersed in the thoughts of far and near, of schemes of far reching importace and significance; and despite all the misfortunes that had attended his efforts had yet a hope of success in the future; he found himself in an eternal darkness as the gloom of night was giving place to the radiance of the morning sun. Zaman Shah was in the Punjab in the year 1216. A. H. when his contesting brother, who had been rendered helpless and districted by his endeavours received the co.operation of an experiemced man, like Fhteh Khan; and accompanied by him and taking the Seistan route attacked and took Kandahahar, that city he took after a seige of 42 days from Mehr Ali Khan of Asaq Zai, the last named being entitled Shah Pasand Khan; who after the fall of Kandahar took the sad news to Zaman Shah at Peshawar.

Zamn Shah postponed the steps which he wanted to take against Ranjit Singh to another occasion, returned to Kabul and then immediately bent bis steps towards Ghazni. Ten thousand soldiers, lead by Ahmed Khan Noor Zai and his son Prince Nasir were ordernd by him to engage those in possession of Kandahar. At a place known as Sar Asp, lying between the Killat Ghilzai and Muqur, the Noor Zai Sirdar-the commander of the king-surru ndered to Mahmud and Prince Nasir was obliged to beat a retreat. Meantime, Zaman Shah returned to Kabul from Ghazni in order to-prepare a stronger force for himself; bus plan was upset; so that in place of gainig further support, those whom he had amongst his troopers, they, too deserted him. All that remaied with the king were his minister Wafadar Khan, Zaman Khan Popul Zai and amongst his troops, he had then only two hundred horsemen and four houndrea foot soldiers. With this small following he started on the robd to Jalaladad.


- 17 -

Shah Mahmud and Fateh Khan started with the rapidity of electricity and covering the distance between Muqor and Ghazni arrived at Kabul; though an engagement took place (rather small in magnitude) between the followers of the king and the forces of Fateh Khan and Mahmud at Wacha Pana near Jagdaluk; the result of which, quite naturally, was in favour of the forces of Fateh Khan. One of the Heads of the Shinwaris, one named Mullah Ashiq, who had previously enjoyed the friendship of Zaman Khan's minister the favonritte Wafadar Khan-had a fort on the way of Jagdalik. Zaman Shah, the unfortunate king, who had hopes of conquering the vast lands of India; but was so distracted by the trebles at home; at the hands of his brothers, was now obliged to take refuge at a fort of a mere Elder of a tribe even for a night's rest. This fact of a refuge at a tort is just an incident-fateful in essence-for dispite his deafeats in other fields, the remaining portions of Zaman Shah's domains were still in tact in the east and the south up to the Punjab; and his real brother-Shahshuja-was still a paramount ruler and governor of his brother at Peshawar; and from him, too, he had sought assistance.

Ashiq, the Shinwari, at first received the king with due respect and humble solcitations; so that nothing was left undone in preparing a kingly reception. But when he heard that Mahmud had taken Kabul, the Shinwari was greatly frightend, and thought that the fact of having taken Zaman Shah as refugee might be considered in an adverse light by Mahmud; thus he locked the gate of the fort; and sent a message to Mahmud through his son, and said that some one might be sent to take over the one who reposed in the fort at night. Soon, howevr, the unfortunate Zaman Shah, realised that although till quite recently, they were the honoured guests, then they were prisoners. The Shinwari stuck to his idea, and all the solicitations of Zaman and his followers were of on avail. Atlast the gave up the effort and prepared themslves to whatever may come out of it all. The position of Zaman Shah was now known to both Mahmud and to Shahshuja; the one made all posible prepations to deal with the fleeing king, and Shahshuja was busy to render help.


-18-

Haji Ali disguised the king and led him out of the prison and
took him to the Killa of Vazir; after which Nawab Zaman Khan
managed to get him smuggled to the Punjab.

There is no doubt that the terminatin of the Saduzai dynasty
repared the way for a Barakzai Brothers rule; and a chance cane when
the Barakzais were abletosecure the throne of the country. Althouegh
this transference of sovereignty could have taken place earlier; but Pur
Dil Khan rather than act in the general interest of his kinsmen, and
availing himself of the opportunny of placing his family upon the
trone; merely contended himself getting his share from the vast
share of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, and let go the rest of
the matter to work out as best as it could. Pur Dil Khan appointed
Sirdar Habibullah Khan as the ruler of Kabul in place of Ayub
Shah; so that in place of establishng a solid basis for rulership,
gave rise to a fuedal controversy; so that during those fateful years
of second quarter of the 19th. Century, when the country needed
strength through unit, our Sirdars were more interested in struggle
for power and money at Bala Hisar than the more immediate
needs of the country.

* * *

THE PLAN & THE PURPOSE OF SHAIR DIL KHAN.

ARTICLE TTENITY SECOND

After the collaps of the Saduzais, till the rulership of the
Mohamedzais; all the Barakzai Sirdars endeavoured to garnish
their own interests and purpose. Their numbers and iufluence
gradually produced important places for them at the court. But
as the hand of the brother was raised against his brother, and
had disintegrated man from man; even at the hight of power,
their internecine conflicts rendered their power as a negative force,
which produced nothing better than a fuedal conflict; from which
the of reigners benefitted.

* * *

The sons of Sirdar Payunda Khan, who in history are as a
rule termed as Barakzai Brothers, after the assassination of their


- 19 -
twenty one. In neighbourhood of Kandahar he ordered his trooops to measure swords with the men of his brother Zaman Shah; but due to the sagacity of that Elder, Sirdar Payanda Khan, moral persuation prevailed, and no bloodshed took place. Personal influence of Payanda Khan was great enough to have Humayun the right of his brother for the throne of Kabul. Humayun, however, continued to desire the therone; and roamea about in the regions of Kandahar, Farahe Bluchi stan and Sindh. his popularity did not go much beyond the precints of Kandahar; till he fell into the hands of the officers of Zaman Shah in the area of the Indus river; and was deprived of sight.

* * *

On the death of Timour Shah in the year 1793, A. D. it was not an easy task to appoint, or to select a successor of the deceased king. In the absence of a will of the deceased, and due to the fact that many of the princes were not present in Kabul; opportuniy was seized by two sons of Timour to raise their standard; one by Mahmud and the other by Humayun. During the time of Timour Shah, several of the princes were made govenors of various provinces of the realm; such as Mahmud and Haji Firuzuddin in Herat, Humayun in Kandahar and Abbas in Pehawar. The news of the death of Timour was purposely suppressed by such well.wishers of the kingdom as Sirdar Payanda Khan and Mulla Abdul Hhafar Khan, fearig an internecine war-and in secret had resolved to place Zaman Shah on the throne of his father, for he of all was regarded as the most suitable successor amongst a concourse of twenty one princes; but inspite of these precautions, both at Kabul and in the provinces an atmosphere of disturbance swept over the entire scene; but no definite results came out.

Those princes-the sons of the late king-who were at Kabul gathered at the house pf Prince Abbas; and elected him on their behalf as the king. But the above mentioned Elders and the ministered arrested these princes and being on the side of Zaman Shah, place all these princes in goal and infllicted upon them much radh hips.


20 —

When Humayun and Mahmud, who were at Kandahar and at
Herat heard the news of the death of their father; they at once,
each at his own station, raised the banner of revolt and discord.
When Zaman Shah, however, finally ascended the throne; he sent
a message to his brother Humyun at Kandahar, and inivited him
to accapt him (Zaman Shah) as the king, But as Humayun, was
older than Zaman Shah, and during the time of the reign of his father
Timour had held high administrative post; and considered himself
as the rightful owner of his father's did not accept the profered
in vitiation of his brother Zaman at Kabul; thus the troops of
the two claiment's for the throne mustered at a place called Bagh
Bubro-some locate it to be about two miles from Kandahar; whilst
others think that the place lay some two miles east of Killat-
in order to reach conclusions. The matter did not arrive to any
sanguinary stage; for the personal influence of Sirdar Payunda
Khan (on behalf of Zaman Shah) and his strong pleas persudaed
the commander of Humayun's forces to come to a peaceful arran-
gement; thus Mihar Ali Khan surrundred his troops; whilst Huma-
yun retreated with his father-in-law to Kandahar, ard thence took
the road to Bluchistan: where he took refuge with Nasir
Khan the Bluch. With this success, of course, Zaman
Shah found his position steadied, and the status of Payanea Khan was
increased in the estimation of the king of Afghanistan. After putting the
matters of Kandahar right, the king placed his son the Prince
Nasir on the govership of Kandahar under the guardianship of
Abdullah Khan-Noorzai-because the prince was cnly a boy of seven
years of age. Zaman Shah, himeself marched on to Herat;
from that place he returned after putting the local affairs right
at Herat. From Kabul, the king journeyed towards Peshawar to
arrange matters in the eastern part of his realm; and then began
to contemplate over his plans of a conquest of India

Humayun, in the meantime, watching his opportunity finding
that his brother, the king was away from the capital of Afghanistan;
started towards Kandahar once again from his hiding place of Blu-
chistan. It is related, however that Zaman Shah, not being unaware
of the designs of Humayun, prior to leaving Kabul for Peshawar,


— 21 —

had deputed one of his messengers, one named Khudadad Khan and Shair Mohamed Khan, the Head of the ministers-to go and give good advice to his brother Humayun, and to prevert him from taking any unwise steps for disturbing the peace of the country. But Khuda Dad Khan, in place of giving the prince Humayun a "softer treatment" so handled the situation that in place of assuaging so infuriated him as to make him more obturate and intrinsingent. The result was that troops were mustered against Humayun and a ware-route was takan towards Kandahar. The Prince Qaysar and Abdullah Khan could not meet the situation; Qaysar was taken prisoner; and Abdullah to Preshawar to give the bad news of reverse to the king. Humayun occupied Kandahar for the second time and reised the standard of his kingship there; and commanded to strike coinage under his name as the ruler. When, however, he had thus established himself in the city of Kandahar, and had proclaimed his rule over the country; Ahmed Khan Noorzai, attacke Kandahar, as one of the followers of Zaman Shah, and wanted to capture the Prince Humayun, but he did not succeed and was wounded in the attempt. He was taken to the house of a religious person, where he was being treated, when Humayun hearing of his reuge, wanted to punish him; but the consideration of the divine prevented the infliction of an adverse fate upon him; and he (Ahmed Khan) was not only forgiven, but also was installed as the commander of Humayun's forces. Humayun's Kandahar success compelled Zaman Shah, who had heard of his men's defeat, to retrace his steps Kandaharwards, in order finally to fight for superemacy; so that for a second time the forces of Zaman Shah and those of Prince Humayun faced each other about forty miles from Kandahar.

The head of Zaman Shah's army was again the old vatern Payanda Khan; and the commander of Humayun was the man who but shortly was sent out by Zaman Ehah as the king,s man-that is to say Ahmad Khan Noorzai. Once again Payunda Khan won the battle without fighting; and Ahmed Khan accompaied by Payanda Khan surrendered himself to his master-the king-Humayun onle again had to admit defeat; and this time he fled towards Herat so that he could join forces with Prince Mahmud. Fateh Khan chased him upto Grishk, but could not succeed to capture him.


[BLANK PAGE]


Shah Shuja.
Mihr Ali Khan Ishaq Zai.
Prince Humayun.


Aminulloh Khan Logary.


- 23 -
of his brother Humayun; he sent his head guardsman one named Hasan Khan to bring the blinded and unfortunate prince, when he reached Kabul, the Priuce Humayun was flun into the duegeon.

THE PRINCE QAISAR.
SEVENTH ARTICLE

Al though Zaman Shah Sdau Zai had installed his young boy son, named the prince Qaisar, on the chair of govership of Kandahar, whilst the boy was hardly seven years of age, and plunged the boy into the votex of political difficulties; yet the turmoils of internal difficulties and discord, personal rivalries and domestic and family struggle, did not give the young boy any pecce. During the reign of his father-Zaman Shah the attaks of Humayun continued to disturb the peace of minds: till the small boy was flung into the dungeon. During the reign of his uncle, Shah Shuja become a pawn in the game of Fatheh Khan, the young boy had to flit about from place to place. Whatever, however, the minister wanted did not come to pass; and Qaisar, as a ruler lost his place gradually.

*   *   *

In the history of Afghanistan, especially that period which takes in the time of the sncond half of the 18th. century of Christian Era. in the turning and twisting of events, the nams of small or big princes had also occurred. These names, inspite of their not been significant as such, are yet of interest in regards to the passage of history. The princes, whom we style here as the little princes, are Ayub Shah, Shltan Ali Shah the prince Haydar, Prince Qaisar, Yunus, Fateh Jung, Jahangir etc etc. Those who had been appointed, as a rule, to reign by their fathers, or their uncles over large or small areas; all such persons had been the tools of their elders, or of the greater princes, or yet they had acted under the influence of theire more powerful inentors. Scme of the young princes had been plaled merely to fit a place in the scheme of things of those more powerful in the realm. As the places that these young men or youthes rwes


— 24 —
not held by them though their own wishes or their own desires,
with the slightest adverse current of affairs, they could be wafted
from their places and had been replaced by others.

The particulars of th life of prince Qaisar, or beter still
those facts of his life that had impressed tkemselves on the pages
of history, are of a nature of drama; or a ball: the movememnts
of which ought to be viewed in light. Such facts of his life cannot
repose un-noticed in the chronicles of this country's events. In all
the years of his youth the governorship or rulership of Kabul,
Herat and especially the viceroyalty of Kandahar was son igned
to him; but during the time of his father, the rivals of the throne
did not leave him in peace. During the rule of his uncle, nobles
like Vazir Fateh Khan, and Mukhtar-u-Doullah Shair Mohamed
Khan incited him to a revolt. They, of course, dangled him about
this side or that according to their own plans or schmes. The
first posihon of responsibilty which was entrusted to him was the
governorsip of Kanhahar; in which he was installed when yet a
mere child. When Zaman Shan occupied the throne of his father
Timour Shah he was immediately confronted with the opposition
of his brother Humayun. It was then that Zaman Shah placed
his young son, Qaisar as the governor of Kandahar when the
prince was hardly seven of age. Abdullah Khan Noorzai was put
as the guardian of the boy prince. Meantime Zaman Shah trevelled
upto Herat, then returning to Kabul marched on to Peshawar; in
order to arrrange matters in the eastern province of his realm.
From Peshawar he wanted to study the future plans of his cam-
paign of India. Findin Zaman Shah absent from the country; Humyun
emerging from his hiding place in Bluchistan converged upon
Kandahar with Bluchi co-operators. The battle that took place
near the city of Kandahar between the young prince, the nephew
and his uncle Humayun is both dramatic and sad. It is related
that the small prince was wounded and his cousin, Ahmed the
young son of Humayun, was in tears about the woundng of the
young Qaisar; but the ontesting Humayun became angry; and put
the "infant" prince (Qaisar) into prison. It is, of course, true
that this young boy prince had hardly any say in the matter of


-26-
when the kingdom fell into the hands of his uncle Shah huja,
when he was again appointed as the governor of Kandahar.

After that date another chapter opened in the life of prince
Qaisar, which means a series of revolts which he set up against his
uncle; but the king repeatedly forgeive him in consideration of his
blinded brother-Zaman Shah. It is obvious, of course, that these
uprisings of the prince did not take place all by themselves.

Everyone knows that Shahshuja and Vazir Fateh Khan came
togather and parted several times; and on each occasion when the
vizir parted with Shahshuja, he betook himself stright to Kandahar,
so that he could incite prince Qaisar to take and to revolt against
his uncle the king Shahshuja. Also, it is known to every one that
in this the Vazir had an especial motive; for he was in fact in sea-
rch of a man from amongst the Saduzais, who could manage the
affairs of the government better. He exted the prince Qaiser several
times to see whether the young prince had it in him to govern
properly; but the prince coulde not acquit himself successfully in this
direction.

At long last, when the insubordination of Qaisar had gone bey-
ond endurance, the then governor of Farah, one name Haji Firzud-
din, with the order of the uncle of the young prince-Shahshuja-took
Qandahar form the prince. Shahshuja, however, arrived in Kabul and
nominaied his nephew to the governorate of Kabul. Meantime Shair
Khan, a former minister of Shahshuja, reached Kabul and induced
the young prince Qaisar to go forward to Peshawar against his uncle.
This Shair Mohamed Khan, had revolted against Shahshuja together
with his son, after the conquest of Kashmire. These min arrived at
Kabul in order to plot with one Ghayes Khan; but Shahshuja journ-
eying by way of Dera Jat also arrived at Kabul, and spoiled the
designs of the plotters. Shair Mohamed Khan and his co-operators
were klilled; and Qaisar, who had been hoping help from Persia was
also disappointed.


— 27 —
BATTLES BETWEEN SHAH MAHMUD & SHAHSHUJA.
EIGHT ARTICLE
Shah Mahmud one day capturing Zaman Shah has had the king's eyes taken out, and thus blinding him, he has had him flung in dungeon at Bala hisar. Only a brief four years had to pass when in that very Bala Hisar, Shahshuja, has had Shah Mahmud incarcerated and released his blinded brother. During these four years, a series of battles were fought between Shah Mahmud and Shahshuja, which are known as the battles of Basul, Ishpan, Kczak, Arghistan, Kala Kazi, and Bala Hisar. Quite naturally in these battles some times one and other party was successful. Atlast Shahshuja arriving at Kabul from the southern regions of the country, took the capital; and the reign of Shah Mahmud was terminated.

When the unfortunate king Zaman Shah was captured and was blinded and was imprisoned at Bala Hisar: Shah Mahmud sat on the throne of Afghanistan (1216 A.H. or 1217. A.H. ) At that time the influence and the extent of the Durrani empire was fairly large; from Ghoryan upto Kashmire, up to Attack and Bluchistan and Dera Jat, all points populated by the Afghan race of Koh Sulaiman, Koh Siah, the territories of Peshawar and the fertile areas of Kashmire and the fort of Attaock was under the sway of the king of Kabul. Only in the Punjab Ranjit Singh, incited by the English had proclaimed nis independence; but a protreacted time was needed to find out finally as to who was to be the ultimate master of the Punjab area.

Unfortunately as much of the difficulties in Afghanistan have risen from times, due to the personal animosity of the Sardars and relatives and the princes of the king; the fact of Zaman Shah's having been made blind, had rankled in the kind of Shahshuja that what ever way that may be possible Mahmud must pay for his act; and attacks upon Mahmud, were, therefore, continued.


-28-
As soon as Shah Mahmud proclamed himself as king at Bala Hisar; immediately Shahshuja unfurled his banner at Peshawar styling him as king. The ruler, of course, was that person who was on the throne of Kabul at the time, and Shahshuja-with all that could be said about it, was still merely a prince albiet a rival to the throne; who was out to drive conolusions with his rival. This animosity of Shah Mahmud and Shahshuja increased daily. The nobles of the clans, according to the drift of events of the time, looking to their own personal interests, allied themselves with the stronger party of the rivals.

Mehr Ali Khan, Mir Akhur Bashi, who during the last days of Zaman Khan hah deserted his master (Zaman Shah), and was under arrest at Jalalabad came to Shahshuja's camp; and in the like manner men of the type of Mohamed Akram Khan Bamyazai, known as Aminul Mulk; and Mohamed Khan Nasaqchi Bashi left Shah Mahmud to join Shahshuja, in Peshawar. Slowly Shahshuja was persuaded to think that he was strong enough to attack Shah Mahmud at Kabul. During the reign of four years, Shah Mahmud, (1216.A.H. to 1219.A.H.) was compelled to fight a number of battles either against the princes, or the nobles sent by them; and these battles are divided into two classes: those fought at Jalalabad and those of Arghistan. The first battle was fought between the King's Guards and the troops of the prince at Basaul. In this battle, from the side of Shah Mahmud, Abdul Wahid Khan Barak Zai, Ataullah Khan Alizai and Bluch Khan Achaqzai took on the battle against Mihr Ali Khan with five hundred horsemen from Shahshuja. The result was the victory of Shahshuja, and the leaders sent out by Shah Mahmud were repulsed. Mihr Ali Khan as a victor remained at Jalalabad, awaiting the orders of Shahshuja.

Meantime, both Shahshuja from Peshawar and Shah Mahmud from Kabul moved up agaist each other. Each was moving rapidly towards the other so that each may arrive earlier, prior to the arrival of reenforcement at the critical location; especially Shahshuja was keen to get to Jalalabad to consolidate the position which his commander had acquired, The forces of Shah Shuja accompanied by their leaders and Shahshuja arrived at Ashpan; and when they were


- 29 -

prepering to pitch their tents and to take their bearings; it was
then that like a whirl-wind Shah Mahmud and his son Kamran and
his minster Fateh Khan and Saleh Mohamed Khan Ashaq Zai, were
the vanguards of Shah Mahmud's troops threw themselves upon the
enemy; but were repulsed; and retreated. Kamran and Fateh Khan
who were leading the larger number of the troops convarged from
two sides; and although Mohamed Khan Ashmaghri and Allah Yar
Khan of Bajour, as the leaders of the tribes of Mahnand and Kha-
lil were killed; the victory of Shahshuja was changed into a defeat.
Shahshuja's men were scattered, and he himself had to take refuge
in the valleys of the Safaid Koh. Inspite of the fact that he had
penetration and influence amongst the people of Kuream, Tirah, and
amongst the people of the Afridi and Khayber tribes; the victorious
prince Kamran made straight for Peshawar and after settling affairs
there place the region under the governorship of Abdul Wahid
Khan Barakzai. Triumphantly, he himself and his father as a reward
installed him as a governor of Kanadahar.

Shahshuja, however, lived a long amongst the hills and valleys
of Tirah and Khyber with his retainers, and all the time contiued to
increase his followers. The tribal people had a partiality towards
him anaccount of his previous records; thus they swelled his ranks
in large and small numbers and increased the number of his follo-
wers. Finding the power of his fihting men increasing, he tried
to test his strength at Peshwar, but he could not succeed. He ther-
efore resolved that leaving the eastern provinces, and taking a sou-
thern route, he should negcciate the valleys of the Siah Koh and
Sulaiman mountains and skirting the regions of Dera Jat, he must
join the tribal people of Wazirs. Thence he thought of taking the
rcad to Shikarpour; it was thus that Shah Shuja, taking a limited
number of fighting men from the Wazirs and the Kakars arrived at
Shikarpor. From there he moved towards Sialkot towards Kojak.
In as much as Shah Mahmud, especialy his son Kamran, was aware
of the desirs of Shahshuja, battles were fought at Kojak and Argh-
istan between the followers of Shahshuja and the ruler of
Kabul. Saleh Mohamed Khan Ghilzai, who at the head of one tho-
usand horsemen was sent out to face Shahshuja was deafeated; and


- 30 -
Shahshuja reached the regions of Arghistan. When then this trouble
had first fieared up, Kamran, had sought help from his uncle, who
was the governor of Herat-one named Haji Firouzuddin-as the result
thereof two thousand horsemen, under the leadership of Malik Qas-
im arrived for the help of the nephew of the governor of Herat, to
Kandahar. Kamran found a force of his own at Kandahar amounting
to three thousand horsemen. With this five thousand horsemen he
moved to Arghistan. The strength of Kamran's troops motified Shah
shuja; and converged his movements from Arghanistan towards the
areas of the Ghizais and the Kakars. In that region, at a place call-
ed Mina the prince Qaisar joined him. Shahshuja now divided his
men into two groups: one of the section was sent towards Kandahar
under the leadership of the prince Qaisar, Madad Khan-the Mir
Akhour Bashi, and Shadi Khan Achakzai; and he himself marched on
to Kabul by way of Zormut. The time was the year 1219.A.H. when
circumstances, too, helped Shahshuja, for the people of Kabul
helping Shahshuja fell upon Shah Mahmud, and Shah Mahmud, theref-
ore, besoiged himself at Bala Hisar. This news assisted Shahshuja,
and he therefore, hurried with great speed towards Kabul. This sc-
heme succeeded, for Shahshuja who now had at his disposal on less
than one hunded and fifty thousand fighting men reached Kabul;
and took Bala Hisar; and this time Shah Mahmud was flung in the
dungeon of Bala Hisar.

* * *

WAZIR FATEH KHAN.
NINTHE ARTICLE

Amongst 27 sons of Timour Shah a nd 21 sons of Sardar
Payunda Khan which,constitute two sections of princes of Sadar
Zais and Sardars of Barakzais the one who held a title of
King's Fribend and the Head of the Ministers was the one man, who des-
pite all the disturbances and family fueds in the beginning of the 19th.
cenytury of the Christian Era continued to steady the throne of Shah
Mahmud - despite the weakness of the ruler-was Wazir Fatreh Khan.
He was able to perform much in the interest of the country; but a
lazzy king, vitiated courtiers, and a highly jealous son of the king


—31—
removed a man, who was the protector of them, and their system; thus precipitated such a upheavals in the territory. The loss of which is hard to estimate.

Sirdar Paynda Khan had twenty one sons; and they had been called by the European histonians as the Barakzai Brothers. The man who towered above them all in regards to great power of persuati-on, sagacity in matters of the state, in deaeifying tactics, in work-ing the matters of the realm according to the spirit of the age and the Afghan spirit; thus the English writers had given him (Fateh Khan) the title of King Maker. This appallation fitted this great Afghan Sirdar to a fault.

His father vas assassinated in the year (1214.A.H.) at Kanda-har on account of the mistakes of Shah Zaman and the intrigues of the courtiers. This incident, quite naturally had moved him as it moved his brothers to anger and revenge, and thus much that had happened after that period of hisory is compleioned by that sad tragedy; indeed, those sentiments lasted for and seventy five years. The first manifestation of this when the then king Zaman Shah was opposed by Fateh Khan-the son of the assassinated Sirdar Paynda Khan. He (Fateh Khan) joined issues with another rival of the th-rone with him; namely Shah Mahmud; thus it would be seen that the Afghan kingdom was first taken from Zaman Shah, and then from Shahshuja; so that Shah Mahmud ascended the throne for the second time; and that Fateh Khan was first installed as The best Friend of the king (Shah Mahmud) and then raised to the high dignity of the Great Minister.

Althought that after the assassinaton of Sirdar Paynda Khan fierce animosity arose between the two most important Houses those of the Saduzais and the Barakzais, co-opertion between these two Houses of Nobles did not entirely disappear; for it would be seen that when he was opposing Shahshuja, he was helping the other Sadu Zai namely Shah Mahmud. But unfortunately, Shah Mahmud did not fully realise the value of the help of his devoted co-opeator in Fateh Khan, or correctly appraise the help that he was giving to the benefit of the peotle. Fateh Khan wan all the time in search of finding a right person to rule;uch as


- 32 -
the prince Kamran or Qaisar; and it was his choice which brought
Shah Mahmud to the throne after the defeat of Shahshuja. Fateh
Khan and all his brothers came forward to assist the new ruler-
Shah Mahmud with all their might and prestige, Fatheh Khan
(apart from the two real brothers; Shahshuja and Zaman Shah)
had an intimate relationship with the government of the country.
He it was, who never tolerated that those who lay at far and
wide distances of the country, should interfere in the management
of the land and raise a standrd of revolt against the
established rule of the king at Kabul. He, it was, who removed
Ataullah Khan Bamizai from the post of govership of Kashmire; and
disensed with the services of Haji FirouzulDin from his appoint-
ment of Herat Governorate. His attitude in removing these two
persons, possibly as reactionary, was not only to establish the
authority of the Central Government at Kabul; but also he thought
that in these two rather important outposts of the kingdom very
important and capable persons ought to be sent, because the Sikhs
on the one side and the Persians on the other were factors, which
had to dealt with with considerablee delicacy and strength at one and
the same time. In the matter of Kashmire,for instance, when battles took-
place bitween the forces of Ranjit Singh and the Afghans,he (Fateh Khan)
was present and in other battles against the Persias at Meshad-with Hasan
Ali Mirza-his interest in both of these sections of war is significant
factor to attest to the importance which he attached to these two
corners of the Afghan dominions. It was thus, that the rule of
Shah Mahmud had been consolided as possessing a central strenght
at Kabul. Unfortunately, as such selfless workers, as a rule develop
a group of rivals and jealous adverseries; these who belonged
to the king's family themselves begin to harbour suspicions
against Fateh Khan; despite the fact that these men received the
title of kingship through no other than Fateh Khan's endea-
vours. It was Kamran, the son of the King, who was at the time
a governor of Kandahar, that wrote to his father at Kabul in 1231.
A. H. from Herat as followed The emeny was once an ant. which
developed into a serpent; remove thou that ant which had become
the serpent: Do not give further chance through thy idlleness and
disregard to that serpent; for that snake might yet become a


— 33 —
python... Kamran, however, more. He invited the Vazir to a
feast at Herat, and blinded him ; and imprisoned him there ; all
this happening prior to his letter reached Kabul. After that he
started towards Kandahar and Kabul. Afterwards they assassinated
him (Fateh Khan with utmost barbarity near a place called Saidabad
on the road to Ghazni in 1234. A. H. and he was burried within the
precints of the graveyard of Sheikh Raziuddin Ali Lala.

On his grave the fllowing epitaph is engraven:

"Alas! with the death of Fateh Khan due to the cruelity of
the evil forces of the world had embittered the cup of life! He
was a Durrani, and Barakzai and an Elder of the Clan ; like his
father he was too "kingly" and of high honour. It was he that
brought the wondering Shah Mahmud to the throne from Herat's
wildernesses. He was the most noted Vazir amongst all men of
Persia and Iraq ; atlast he, the man of great status and renoun,
brought the king to the position, where he could take his revenge
from his rivals and enemies. Kandahar, Kabul, Sindh and Khora-
san were all reduced with his sword of justice and all lands were
given peace and conntentment. He marched, too, to Meshad to
reduce Iraq. His gifts were greater than those of Hatim Tai. His
battles against the Persians dimmed the power and war-adventures
of Rustom amongst the Persians, and much else is written in pa-
negeric tone about him.

MUKHTARUDOWLLAH: SHAIR MOHAMED KHAN.
( The Bamizai and Shashuja. )
TENTHE ARTICIE

Amongst the Bomanzais, Shair Mohamad Khan, Mukhtarudow-
llah has a high reputation. He was a minister of Shahshuja.
The importance of this man of great experience and prestige
was due to the fact that he and his brothers and sons he was
able to carry through matters of great importance and delicacy.
Mukhtarudowllah, and members of his family had expectations to gar-
nish their own interests after the fall of Kashmire. Sometimes, these


-34 -
expectations used to receive encouragements from outside the country and contrived to sway them from the proper discharge of their duties faithfully. Particulars of these matters are not without interest. Mukhtarudowllah, who was a minister of the court of Shahshuja, revolted against his master and chalenged him battle in which he was ultimately killed.

* * *

Amongst the Bamazias, who were employed at the court of Shahshuja, the man who was given great honour and prestige was one named Shair Mohamed Khan. At one time he was responsible for government matters relatives to high affairs of the state. His place during the beginning of the reign of Shahshuja was peerless at the court. Slowly, however, another person, by the name of Mohamed Akram Khan also hailing from the Bamazais found favour at the court of the king; and was installed as a minister of the king. When the Kashmire afair flared up, because the governor there, one named Abdullah Khan Alkozai, seem to with-hold the revenue transmission of Kashmire; and the reduction of Kashmire came a point of urgency; the king appointed Shair Mohamed Khan as the governor of Kashmire, at the request of Shair Mohamed Khan himself. With great skill and valour Shair Mohamed Khan wrestled the Kashmire valley from the hands of the insurgent Abdullah Khan Alkozai; and the newly appointed officer of the king had then a great desire that he would be allowed to remain at Kashmire as the adminitrator on behalf of the king. But Shahshuja required the help and advice of such a man as Shair Mohamed Khan in domestic matters of the state; and perhaps more particularly, thinking that his old Vazir might not proclaim Kashmire as his own; he (Shahshuja) refused the request of Shair Mohamed Khan. The king, however, devised a scheme, whereby the Vazir could be annoyed, nor by remaining there he might assume a ruler's importance at Kashmire. He appointed the son of Shair Mohamed Khan, one named Atta Mohamed Khan, as the governor of Kashmire; and commanded that Shair Mohamed Khan should come to the capital.


- 35 -

When Shair Mohamed Khan was in Kashmire and Shashuja was at Peshawar, prince Kamran attacked Kandahar accompanied with Faith Khan: driving the prince Qaiser from Kandahar. It might be recalled that Qaisar was appointed as the governor by Shashuja. Shahshuja immediately arrived at Kabul; and moved his troops to meet the advancing of prince Kamran and Fateh Khan then at Kandahar. But prior to leaving Peshawar, as has been related, Shahshuja, had sent for Shair Mohamed Khan: but he (Shair Mohamed Khan) paid little attention to the Royal Commands. Even the repeated orders of the king in this respect were dis-regarded by Shair Mohamed Khan. This disobeyance of Shair Mohamed Khan was accounted by some historians due to several reasons: firstly, it was thought that the power of the king Shahshuja was not great enough; secondly that the strength of Shair Mohamed Khan on account of his victories at Kashmire had embolden him: and a third explanation is given that Abdullah Khan who was defeated in Kashmire by the order of the king, was yet a power to reckon with in Kashmmir All these factors might have operated in this situation. Also, it is related that the influence of the once defeated and humbled Akram Khan of Khashmire intransigney was now making itself felt at court at Kabul also. Slowly, Shair Mohamed Khan, who so far has been the devoted servant and the wel-wisher to the king's interests, now openly became opposed to the king. The first action of this kind was, of course, that he did not obey Commands sent to him from Peshawar. This too, was considered a grave act of disloyalty, for through his absence, Shahshuja was left alone to face the onslaught of Kamran at Kandahar, in which Shah huja was defeated. When, however, he Shair Mohamed Khan, ultimately did arrive at Kabul, and finding prince Qaisar as the governor at the capital; he incited the nephew of Shahshuja to raise a standard of revolt against his uncle: whilst the King Arghandab. Success attained his plans to a certain extent; for the strategum induced prince Qaisar to ally himself with Shair Mohamed Khan. They thought the time to be ripe; for the king was way near Kandahar and at othe time at the Indus regions. They considered the idea to capture Peshawar. Khaja Mohamed Khan with some other nobles, which included some of the elders of Hamizais were sent out towards Peshawar to


-36-
capture that city. These nobles had no difficulty in wrestling that city from the hands of Gulsitan Khan Achakzai, who had been appointted as the governor of Peshawar. With the help of Shair Mohsmed Khan, the prince Qaisar was able by these movements to spread his influence from Kabul to Peshawar.

Whilst this was happening in the east: Shahshuja was making all possible efforts to see whether he could persuade Fateh Khan and the Barak Zai brothers to come to his help and assist him against Kamran at Kandahar. He offered to give the title of the Sirdar of The Sirdars to Fateh Khan; and gave the gift of one lakh of rupees with Robes of Honour and a horse to Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan. With this reconcilation. the Barakzai brothers and Mohamed Akram Khan accnipamby the King sailled forth towards Sindh to receive the revenue due to them. The inhabitants of Sindh had been the subjects of Sadu Zai Durranis for a long time. and as a rule did not delay the payment of revenues; though some of the nobles, thinking of their interests, used to incite the people towards the non-payments of the king's dues. On the arrival of the king at Sindh, although they were ready to pay that which was due, yet there was some hesitation in the actual amount to be paid. Fateh Khan seeing the attitude of the people of the Sindh of the time, advised that if he (the king) was to step steps according to his views. they could get thirty lakhs of rupees and the people will give that sum with great ease and with pleasure. But the king paid greater attention to the plans of Mohamed Akram Khan, which meant that no more than five lakhs of rupees could be got together. The result was that Fateh Khan and Doust Mohamed Khan, became annoyed with the king for the second time: and left for Kandahar. Leaving the king's men at Haiderabad, they moved towards Shikar Pour. The king realising his mistake, reconcile himself with the Barakzai Brothers, and as a result Do st Mohamed Khan was once again came within the pale of the king's influence, and also persuaded his brothers to do the same. Now the whole group were amalgameted to the oppos tion of prince Qaisar, and Shair Mohamed Khan. We had related that those


37

who had been sent out to capture Peshawar from Gulistan Khan-the
governor appointed there by Shahshuja-had taken that city in the na-
me of prince Qaisar. The fall of Peshawar induced Shahshuja to
march from Shikarpour to Dera Ghazi Khan: but as soon as his
back was turned, Fateh Khan and his brother again overthrew the
allegience of Shahshuja and returned to Kandahar. Some have it
that in this fresh discord, the hand of Shair Mohamed Khan was
also operative; who is said to have written to these Sirdars to de-
sert their master and friend Shahshuja. News of this greatly distur-
bed the king, and without further recourse in this matter, he moved
on to Kohat, with all possible speed. From there he reached a
village named Mutaiz-some ten miles from Peshawar in the Mah-
mand area. Khaja Mohamed Khan and Yahya Khan Bamyazai, who
it might be recollected were sent by Shair Mohamed Khan and
prince Qaiser to evict Gulsitan Khan from Peshawar, could not face
Shahshuja in battle; so that Shahshuja once again took Peshawar
in the year 1806 A. D. and the two commanders of Shair Mohamed
Khan beat a retreat to Kabul. The time was when the former Vazir
of Shahshuja accompained by prince Qaisar having left Kabul was
nearing Peshawar. They were about to enter Peshawar near Shuqa-
dar, - town near the confluence of the two rivers-when Khaja
Mohamed Khan and Yahya Khan joined them. Some historians have
stated that near Tahkal, not far from Pashawar, the twelve thousand
troops of Shair Mohamed Khan faced the forces of Shahshuja on the
3 rd. of March 1808. and it was possible that the forces of Shashuja
may be repulsed; but the King's Guards stuck to their guns, and
Shair Mohamed Khan fell. His brother Haji Pir Mohamed Khan was
taken prisoner, and was killed by the command of the king. Khaja
Mohamed Khan, too, was slain in this engagement, so that the
apparent defeat of Shahshuja was transfered into victory. Prince
Qaiser, having lost his helpers of the Bamizais, fled towards
Kabul, and Shahshuja enterd Peshawar in triumph. As he entered
the city, troopers showed the severed head of the slain vazir
Shair Mohamed Khan-Shair Mohamed Khan, the Minister of Ministers
of the king at one time-who enoyed the prestige second to none
at the court of the one against whom he revolted and was
ultimately slain.


-38-

SHAHSHUJA IN FIELD OF BATTLE.

Note: The battle which took place between the forces Shair Mohamed Khan-Mukhtaru-Doullah-and Shah Shuja in the neighbourhood of Peshawar is one of those severe engagements, in which Shahshuja's forces had but lost. At that occasion, not only did his troops showed great courage and valour: but the king himself taking the sword in hand leaped into the thick of the fighting. In this battle such tribal men as from Khalil Mahmand, and Ghualm Khan assisted Shahshuja. On the other side of the Durrani Sirdars, like Madad Khan Ishaqzai, Mohamed Azam Khan Nasaqchi Bashi, Mohamed Akram Khan Aminul Mulk and Abdul Ghafur Khan Populzai fought with gallentry and persistence. The king himself -Shahshuja-faced the brother of Shair Mohamed Khan one named Knaja Mohamed Khan with sword in hand; but as he wore armour, the sword did not do its work effectively; so that the guardsmen of the king fired at the man, and felld him from his horse. Other Sirdar, in another corner of the battle faced with the Sirdar Madad Khan and Mohamed Azam Khan could not hold their grounds; and Shahshuja covered with glory entered the city of Peshawar.

ATTA MOHAMAD KHAN BAMIZAI

ELEVINTH ARTICLE

From the point of view of personal qualities, and due to his skill in managing the king's realm, Attaullah Khan, the son of Shair Mohamed Khan-Mukhtaru-Doullah-was the best example of Bamyazai nobles. He was made the governor of Kashmire, as would be recalled by Shahshuja, when his father Shair Mohamed Khan had refused to come back to Kabul by the Royal command. Attaullah Khan's recard of excellent discharge of duties in Kashmire has been laudably penned. But unfortunately that which arises in the minds of the rivals and men of jealousy against the best servants of the realm in the hearts of others, had made, too, its appearance. It contributed to the reaction; till forces against him were overwhelming, and he was deprived of his sight; thus another servant of the king was plunged into the darkness for the rest of his life.


-39-

Attaullah Bamyazai, regarding whose life work this is being reserved, was the son of Shair Mohamed Khan Bamayazai; who had been installed to the appointment of a minister during the time of Shah-Shuja. His title was Mukhtaru- Doullah; and he had acquired a great influence. There is no doubt that those who belonged to this family had been installed upon big or lesser appointments during the reign of Sadu Zai kings, since Timour Shah. History of the country mentions their name as such. Amongst these Shair Mohamed Khan and his son Attaullah Khan are especially included. This father and son are especially mentioned in relation to their activities during the rule of Shah Mahmud and Shahshuja. This connection, too, are divided into two parts: one is when Attaullha Khan was all in all as a governor of Kashmire, when his discharging of his duties had endeared him not only to his king Shah Shuja also to the people of Kashmire. The other aspect of his life was when smitten by the jeolousy of his rivals, and being disgraced, he had to forfeit his eyes, and be plunged into the darkness till the end of his life.

Attaullah Khan's name will remain as one, whose term of office in Kashmire was a long one, and that over whom he ruled, too, were greatly satisfed by his behaviour. In the beginning Attaullah Khan was appointed as the governor of Abdullah Khan Alkawazi, who appointed there first by Zaman Shah; and that during the first years of reign of Shah Mahmud, this Abdullah Khan, had continued as governor of Kashmire as before. When Shahshuja, however, came upon the throne, and found that Attatullah was not so regular in sending in the revenue of Kashmire to the central government; he appointed Shair Mohamed Khan to dismantle him (Abdllah Khan) which he did. Shahshuja gave the Govership to the son of Mukhtaru-Doula and recalled Shair Mohamed Khan back to Kabul. When Shair Mohamed Khan noticed the difficulties in which his master-Shahshuja was with Shah Mahmud, he (Sair Mohamad) defied the call of his king and did not come to Kabul. But when he (Shair Mohamed Khan) did eventually return to Kabul, and Shahshuja was meantime absent from the capital, he excite the urge of the young prince


- 40 -
Qaiser, and which resulted in a battle between Shahsuja's forces
and those mastered by the youn prince and Shair Mohamed
Khan; in which Shair Mohamed and some of his followers of
Bamiyazai were killed. This incident opend two paths before
the son of the slain Vazir Shair Mohamed at Kashmire: either
to declare himself as independent ruler at Kashmire or to give
a better account of his duties as the loyal subject of his master-
Shahshuja.
The continunance of hostilities between Shahshuja and Shah
Mahmud and his allies like Vazir Fateh Khan gave a further chance
to Attaullah Khan to strength his position the more in Kashmire.
Circumstances so contrived the situation that after the fall of
Shahshuja-that is in the first occasion-Attaulah continued to be
at Kashmire. When the second cycle of rule of Shah Mahmud
opened with the help of Vazir Fateh Khan consolidated the position of
Shah Mahmud so that both Sindh and Dera Jat camewithin the orbit
of the Saduzai rule. Affairs of realm, more particularly the two
frontier provinces of Herat and Kashmire came within the personal
attention of Vazir Fateh Khan. In the first province at the head of
affairs was Haji Firouz Khan and in Kashmire was Attaullah Khan
as governor.
Attaullah had by now assumed tremendous power in Kashmire,
and did not present himself at the central administration at Kabul.
Nor was it all, but he thought of taking over the regions of Peshawar
and amalgamating it with that over which he had been ruling so
long. In order to make that dream a reality, he despatched his two
brothers, namely Samandar Khan and Jahandad Khan to Peshawar
and by an odd chance, managed to capture Shahshuja himself; and
sent him to Kashmire. In this manner, it so happened that Attaullah
Khan had become so powerful that when two kings-like Shahshuja
and Shah Mahmud-were strugling for power and throne of Afgha-
nistan; and the two great Houses of Nobles-like the Barakzais and
the Sadu Zais-were also wabbling in the sea of battle of rivals; he
was regarded as the third force in the strugle as the governor of
Kashmire. These affairs took such a grave turn that Vazir Fateh
Khan who was very sensitive in regards to the loyalty of the outl-


ying provinces, for the unity and solidarity of the realm; noticing
the intragency of Attaullah Khan of Kashmire, advised Shah Mahmud
to settle the issue once and for all times in relation to Kashmire
and its disloyal governor Attaullah.

Shah Mahmud leading a large force started out for Kashmire;
but when they were still at Peshawar, when difficulties with regards
to the Prince Abbas came upon the scene: which compelled Shah
Mahmud to return to Kabul. Next year to that Vazir Fateh Khan
and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan started out to Kashmire. Attaullah
agreed to pay three lakhs of the revenue of the land; but he did
not vindicate his promise. This resulted in a battle. Attaullah Khan
was defeated and fled to the mountains of Maran, and Vazir Fateh
Khan appointed his brother Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan as the
governor of Kashmire. Intercession of scholars and clergy made
Vazir Fateh Khan not to do anything to Attaullah Khan. Atlast, he
Attaullah, skirting by way of Dera Jat, arrived at Kandahar to join
Kamran.

After pacifying the issue of Kashmire, Vazir Fateh Khan tra-
velled westward to Herat: where he removed the local influence of
Haji Firouz Khan. There he further aggravated the views of the
Kachars against the Ghours, and further excited the rivalry of Kam-
ran also Attaullah, too, who was over pleased with the above menti-
oned, joined the enemies of Fateh Khan. Both of them went to
Herat and in the crime of blinding the Vazir; on the part of the
helped prince Kamran. After these events, when Shah Mahmud was
himself going toward Kandahar, he left his son Jahangir and At-
taullah at Kabul. Much time had not passed, when Sirdar Doust
Mohamed Khan and Yar Mohmed Khan, reached Kabul as well.
Jahangir gave himself up, and Attallah Khan, for the crime of taking
part in the crime of blinding the Vazir Fateh Khan was blinded
himself. Ever aftear that his life was spent in misfortune and in dis-
grace and want.


- 42 -

SIRDAR MOHAMED AZEEM KHAN

TOWELTH ARTICLE

After Vazir Fateh Khan, the brother of his one named Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, was considered a man of great experience and foresight, amongst the Barkzais. He was made a governor of Kashmire. It was possible, too, that in capturing Kabul, he could have taken throne by overpowering his brothers. But Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan, knowing the spirit of the times and discovering the right time had prepared the ground for himself. A great wealth which belonged to Azeem, which could have assisted him in bring the great and the lesser men of his family around him, was, however, became the cause of rivalry of his brothers. He could not battle against the Sikhs also, and in any case his sudden death: and atlast his son habibullah Khan became mad. A sad end, indeed:

* * *

After Vazir Fateh Khan, Sardar Mohamed Azeem Khan was regarded as the most important person amongst the Barakzai Brothers. Till the Ashraful Wozara was alive, both Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan acted as his "shadows". At the time when Fateh Khan wanted to get the throne for the second time for Shah Mahmud, and had started for Kabul; he had sent Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan towards Peshawar so that he should prevent the coming of Shahshuja to Kabul. But as a battle that took place at a place called Bala Bagh in the east, when Shahshuja had no less than twenty thousand men with him whom he had brought from Peshawar, Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan could not withhold the attack, and had to retire towards the Safaid Koh. But Vazir Fateh Khan accompained by Shah Mahmud reached eastwards and gave battle to Shahshuja, in which at Nimla Shahshuja was defeated, and Shah Mahmud for the second time ascende the throne.

The very first command which now was issued by Vazir Fateh Khan for Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan was, to go strai-


- 43 -

ght to Kandahar and along with Prince Kamran to proceed towa-
rds Peshawar and to capture that city. Also, he was commanded
to collect the revenues of Dera Jat areas. This was to be done
by his brothers Jabbar Khan and his Scribe one named Mirza
Ali Khan. But from that time could be seen that was very anx-
ious to collect funds for himself.

In as much as Shah Mahmud had deputed practically
all the affairs of the state into the hands of his Vazir Fateh
Khan, the Vazir-Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan was apppointed
as the governor of Peshawar. Peshawar of that time was considerd
as one of the fine citiy of the Saduzai kingdom. It was regarded
with certain amount of consideration: because if on one side
Attaullah Khan, as the governor impelled by his progressive
importance as the Governor, wanted to anex the city of Peshawar into
his jurisdiction: whilst on the other, the king without a throne
namely Shahshuja, who then lived at Lahore was always of
thought to secure Peshawar. In all these plans of Shahshuja,
Attaullah helped Shahshuja. This fact gave that city a unique
position as the focal point of attention both to the central Saduzai
king at Kabul, and Shahshuja for his personal considerations.

In the first struggle the Bamyazais like Ghulam Mohamed
Khan, the brother of Attaullah Khan and Yahya Khan, helped
the Shah without the throne-Shehsuja-in fact they did manage to
detach Peshawar from the government of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem
Khan. For a period of four months was in the hands of Shah-
shuja, and Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan had to beat a retreat to
Kabul. For the second time, however,taking a much larger force,
Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan moved against the Shahshuja-held
Peshawar. Despite the fact that his brother (Azeem Khan) was
killed in the engagement, yet he was successful in winning the
city of Peshawar and its area for his master Shah Mahmud.
Later on the Bamyazais sent re-enforcements to help Shahshuja
with the result that Sirdar Azeem Khan was defeated once again;
and taking a route by way of Bungas and Kohat reached Kabul.
The city of Peshawar in name remained with Shahshuja, but in
reality the goveronrs of the place were Bamyazai nobles, namely


-44-
Ghulam Mohamed Khan and Samandar Khan. These two bro-
thers no doubt, on behest of their brother, who was the govenor of
Kashmire, one Attaullah Khan. Shahshuja was arrested and sent as a
prisoner to Kashmire. The influence of Attaullah Khan, thus was
paramount from Kashmir to Peshawar.

In as much as Vazir Fateh Khan regarded the instruction of
the governors of the outlandish parts of the kingdom as the source
of the government, he started with the king-Shah Mahmud-taking
his brother Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mahamed
Khan with him towards Kashmire. Peshawar could not with-stand
opposition both times; and Kashmire on the second occasion, that
is in the year 1227. A.H. ( 1812. A.D. ) was wrentched from out of the
hands of Attaullah Khan. As a reward of the services of Sirdar
Mohamed Azeem Khan, the govership was entrusted to him; so that
the last governor of Peshawar became the governor of Kashmire. The
Bamyazais after their disappointment and hopelessness resorted to a
mean device; for one named Jahan Dad Khan, one of the brothers
of Attaullah Khan sold the fort of Attock to Ranjit Singh for a
sum of one lakh of rupees. This was the occasion, when the Sikhs
started their military deprividation in the realm of the Suduzais. As
a result of this in July 1814. A. D. ( 1232. A. H. ) Rajit Singh started
a war against Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan found further strength
through this victory.

Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, as the result of these wars, was
not too keen to pay the revenue of Kashmire to the central trea-
sury of the kingdom. Also, as the aggression of the Sikhs, which
increased daily, could no longer be tolerated, Vazir Fateh Khan
started out towards Kashmire in the year 1816, A. D. There was a
likelyhood that a fight insure between him and his brother; but the
intercession of his other brother-Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan-the
fight did not take place, and a settlement was arrived at. After the
payment of thirteen Lakhs of rupess as the revenue, he was allowed
to continue on the governorship. He was still at Kashmire, when his
brother Fateh Khan was rendered blind and was ultimately killed,
and the relations of the Barakzai Brothers were strained with Shah


45

Mahmud Saduzai, and revenge of the clans started. At that time
Sirdar Azeem Khan leaving his brother, one named Jabbar Khan, at
Kashmire and journeyed by way of Peshawar to Kabul. The result
of this internecine was the Sikhs took Kashmire. The date being
1235. A. H. or 1819. A. D.

During this period of history when the princes of Saduzai,
made apparent their unfitness due to their loose-ling and by their
extravagants, the Barkzai Brothers were in search of a real leader
for the rulership of the kingdom. There was a conflict between
Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Doust Mohamed khan.
The scene of this struggle, too, was in Kabul. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem
Khan, who had a precedence, both in regards to age and wealth amo-
ngst all his brothers, but Sirdar operated with greater wisdom and
foresight. For a time both of these brothers struggled against each
other in the name of their king-protegee Ayub Shah and Sultan
Ali Shah. This tussel moved around Kabul, Ghazni, Kohistan and
Kohat and Sindh. Ranjit Singh, as was but natural took advantage
of these animosities and started to inroad Peshawar ( 1238. A. H.
1822. A. D. ). Sirdar Yar Mohamed Khan, who was the governor
of Peshawar on behalf of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan sought help
from that Sirdar from Kabul. But unfortunately, limitless wealth had
effected the Sirdar in Kabul and had his followers deserted at the
fort of Machina, where the Sikhs had nearly overpowered them, and
the promise of governorship of Peshawar to Yar Mohamed Khan on
the part of Ranjit Singh on the other, had weekend the Afghan
resistence. Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan turned his face from Pesha-
war; and at a point between Jalalabad and Kabul was taken ill by
dysentry, and died at the age of 38 at Kotal Lata Band. His body
was brought to Kabul, which was enturned at the grave yard of
Ashiqan Arafan, from the following couplet his date of death could
be made out :

"If they ask the year of his death, say :
In the Heaven he found a Place".


— 46 —

TWO KINGS IN ONE PALACE.

THRTINTH ARTICLE

The assassination of Payunda Khan and the collapse of the kingdom of Zaman Shah was in reality the beginning of the end of the reign of the Saduzai rule. The sad action of blinding of the Vazir Fateh Khan and his assassination not only brought about disruption between the two most important families of nobles, but also it opened a gateway of trouble which admitted much discord from the advent of the first quarter of the 19th. century to the middle of that century. During this period of the time, when the Saduzai dynasty had lost its prerogative, and the government of the Mahamedzais had not yet established, and one of the historians call that period as the "Period of the Rise of the Baretzais", was due to the disturbances that occurred during the time, when the hand of the relatives was raised against his relative; and fueds reigned supreme everywhere occasioning those regretable incidents which distress our minds upto the 19th. century , and even upto a later period.

*  *  *

Contrary to the saying that no two kings can exist in one kingdom; in our country, not only two kings lived in one king-dom, in one city, but even one palace; between the years of 1818. A. D. and 1924. A. D. (in the years of end of the first quarter of the 19th. century of Christian Era.)

Because the cooperation. of two important Houses of Nobles, namely the Barakzais and Saduzais for the second time was


-47-

disturbed on account of blinding of Vazir Fateh Khan and his
late asassination, (1818 A. D. -1924. A. D.). Inorder to take revenge
the brothers of the dead wazir Fateh Khan collected at a fort
in a village of Hindiki and a "council of war" took place. At that
time, too, Purdil Khan and his brothers had taken Kandahar from
Gul Mohamed Khan Populzai, who was appointed by Shah Mahmud:
the last named king, when in flight was not able to take reufge
even at Kandahar. He, therefore, skirting by way of Diraoot, Farah
took the road to Herat. This was time, too, when the fugitive
Saduzai king had still an influence at Herat. Shahshuja was then
at Ludhiana as a mere wonderer and in trorbile. The larger part
of the country from Nad Ali in Hamoun Seistan to Kashmire and
Sind was in possesssion of the Barakzai Brothers.

When Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan moved towards Peshawar
and to Kabul at the command of his brother Sirdar Azeem Khan,
as the result inorder to seek a revenge of the atrocities committed
by Shah Mahmud's men, he installed the prince Ayub son of Ti-
mour as the king at Peshawr. This done, he moved on to Kabul.
In the meantime, Shahshuja, through the invitation of Mohamed
Azeem Khan arrived at Peshawar. Quite naturally he had to rem-
ove Shah Ayub from his pedestal. Mohamad Azeem Khan moved
down to Peshawar but his Pact with Shah Shuja did not take shape.
The prince Ayub was taken into his favour.

When Sirdar Doust Mohamed Khan took Kabul from Jahangir
the son of Kamran, immediately he placed another prince of Sa-
duzai one named Sultan Ali son fo Timour Shah on the throne
of Kabul. He himself acted as his Vazir. This act of the kings