-143-
In spite of the fact that according to the terms of Treaty of
1st January 1842. A. D. ( 16th. Ziqad 1257. A. H. ) after the murder of
Macnaughton (23rd December 1842. D.A.) it was clearly laid donw that
when the English forces are withdrawn from Kabul, the other English
units at Kandahar and at Jalalabad shall also move out of the country
to India. Yet General Nott and Major Rawlinson at Kandahar
and General Sale at jalalabad instead of trying to move out of the
place, actually made every effort to strengthen themselves. As could
be seen from the English histories written at the time ( for instance:
The book of Field Marshal Sir Neville Chamberlain, page 102)two days
after the assassination of Macnaughton on 25th. December 1842 A. D.
Pottinger, the deputy of Macnaughton and Elphinstone, wrote a letter
to Major Rawlinson at Kandahar saying that towards the end of February
of that year he( Rawlinson) would move out. The letter was clear in
its terms stating that the officers and English troops at Kandahar
and Killat Ghilzai should take the shortest route to India from
that location. Rawlinson gave no heed to that letter, thinking
that the officers at Kabul had no free hand or independent opinion,
but were dictated to by the Afghan opinion and pressure, and awai-
ted instructions from Calcutta, so that Kandahar like Ghazni was be-
seiged and a struggle between the people and the invaders commenced.
The city of Kandahar is so situated that the inhabitants of
the town live within the fortifications, and immediately outside the
walls of the city the habitations of the village and cultivatort begin.
As the news of the national uprising was constantly reaching
the city from far and near, and General Nott fearing iest the peo-
ple of Kandahar suddenly rise, gave orders that no one other than
traders, some divines and a few others can be allowed outside the
city walls or come into the city.
This order was given on 3rd March. 1842. A. D. There is, of
course, no doubt that such an order indicated a fear on the part of
the military officers ane the growing feelings of the people of the city.
This was, however, not enough to pacify the fears of the English
military commander, for he later on sent out certain of his units
outside the city, and marched out of Kandahar with his men
on 7th March.


—144—
IN his notes ragarding this dicision Neville Chamberlain writes
"Although within ten miles of our camp we considered ourselves safe,
yet towards dusk a large number of horsemen appeared on our left
flanks, our cavalry faced them and our guns fired upon them, but
no fighting took place, and we returned to our camp. On the 8th of
March, a group of three or four thousand horsemen made their
appearance towards our left at dawn, our cavalry, twelve of our guns
and infantry went out to meet them. We drove them back to about
eight miles with fire and guns, but suddenly they attacked us and
our guns, and they had advanced to about 150 or 200 paces when our
intense fire was directed towards them and the most gallant
amongst them fell to our fire, and the remaining retired over the
river. Bisides the wounded about forty were killed.

On the 9th of March, in the afternoon we moved towards Tulo
Khan. When we were crossing the hill on the way, some men fired
at our General, but a defending unit ran up the hill atonce and 40
patriots were killed. A few miles away we were able to see through
the binoculars that a group of about three to four thousand fighting
men were converging towards Kandahar but no fighting took place.
We returned from Tolu Khan at night and there was some sniping
on the way..."

According to the English themselves, groups of Ghazis, several
thousand strong, were hovering near the city for an opportunity to
attack the English forces, or the invading troops occupying the city
of Kandahar. On 10th March large numbers of Ghazis mustered in
the gardens and surrounded the town of Kandahar. Their target this
time was the city. It is related that an old man named Baba Ra-
khari riding a donkey actually betook himself as close to the walls
of the city as the Herat Gate of Kandahar, and sought permission
to enter the city. As he did not receive permission he unloaded his
donkey and put his burden consisting of thorny bushes at the
gateway. Some of the Ghazis, finding the opportunity, sprinkled some
oil on the dry load and set the mass alight. Its fire spread on to
the woodwork of the gateway, which caught fire. In the leaping
flames of the gateway, the English forces saw that the Ghazis were
attacking the gateway fiercely. The commander of the English


-145-

forces, considering the position serious, ordered that all the bags containing flour for rations of the troops were to be stacked against the doorway as a protective wall. The English troops were firing from the loop holes, and corners of the streets and walls upon the Ghazis, but the attackers oblivious of impending death, continued to attack the city and were advancing in over-whelming numbers. Two guns and three hundred soldiers were continuously firing at the Ghazis, and barriers consisting of flour bags and animal carcases, constituting hinderinces kept the attackers back and away from the gateway. According to the English version at about 9 in the night the gateway fell outside the walls, and Ghazis swept through the raging flames, climbing the flour bags and dead animals and again and again engaged the enemy with renewed ferocity for three hours. The defending troops were active till midnight, after wich the Ghazis went back.On the 12th of March General Nott returned to Kandahar and the position of the English was then felt to be strong. But the news of the fall of Ghazni which reached Kandahar 31st March, sounded a danger signal in the ears of the English general.

* * *

AKHTAR KHAN DAWARI
ARTICLE THIRTY EIGHT

The gallant men who appreciated the importance of their independence, during the unified Anglo Shoja rule in Afghanistan had not desisted from opposition, in all places, and in every corner of the country. All knew and took inspiration from the nationalist movements of Kohistan and Kohdaman and were aware of the great efforts of the men from the Eastern sections of the country. They knew, too, about the movement for national liberation and activities allied thereto at Killat Ghilzie, and of the men of Ghazni. Here in this article we wish to reveal another aspect of the struggle cassied on in a little known part of the country through a study of which one would note that here as in other regions of the country, arose a national hero who struggled for the indeperndence and release of his countrymen from the stangle-hold of the foreigners.


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When the English occupied Jalalabad, Kandhar, Ghazni and Kabul
in the name of Shahshuja in 1255.A.H. (1839.A.D.) they had placed
on the throne one of the sons of Shahshuja, Fateh Jung whereas
the real government was in the hands of Major Linch at Kandahar.
But as difference of opinion arose between Linch and Macnaugh-
ton, the Political Adviser of the English at Kabul, Linch was replaced by
Major Rawlinson who had seen service for years in Iran. Rawlinson
spoke persian well and was well versed with the conditions in the
East. He was appointed on 4th. July 1840. A. D. in his new post at
Kandahar, and ofcourse, the military command was under General Nott.
The general however was highly self-opinionated and of very limited
vision regarding greater things. Macnaughton, too, was not too
pleased with General Nott.

During the first year of the unified rule of the English and
Shahshuja (1840.A.D. ) while Shahshuja held, through English support
of course, an unwilling mastery over Kabul and the regions of the
southern Hindu Kush, the English helped to improve some of the
activities of internal administration-according to certain views. But
much time had not passed, when the banner of resistance against
them and their protege Shah Shuja was raised at Kandahar and
in the north-west of that area.

The outbreak in the area of Dawar is imputed by some to
be due to the collection of land revenue (this is the English version )
by Shah Shuja, while others think that the insurrection was caused
through the jealousy of the Barakzais and Sadozais Mr. Close, an
English writer believes that the Dawar revolt was caused by one
Akhtar khan, who was not elected as the head of that region. But
according to the version of John William Key, an English author
of a book entitled The History of the Afghan Wars, the real reason
of that movement was the resentment of the people of Dawar and
Akhtar khan due to the interference of the foreigners in their land,
that is to say the English were interfering in the life and work of
the Dawar people. The author says that the English had forgotten that
their unpopularity was due to the activity of the king whom they
( the English) had placed upon the throne of Afghanistan. And that
the presence of these English forces was directly disadvantageous to


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the man whom they had placed at the throne of Kabul. It has also
been said that Shahshuja himself had a hand in the events then
happening at Kandahar. But this would certainly not be the case, for
when Shahshuja heard that the revolt Kandahar at was being imputed
by some quarters to him he is related to have said that if he could
find the person who promted that lie, he would have the tongue of
such a man torn out from its roots.

As we ourselves know, and the English have mentioned in their
own writings, Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan Dawari had a great share
in opposing the combined rule of the English and Shahshuja. As
we had said in our article entitled YAR MOHAMED KHAN ALKO-
ZI, this man had done a great deal in thwarting the English designs
and those of the Persians and the Russians regarding their desire
to gain ascendency over Herat when he was a minister of Kamran
Shah, and had taken advantage of the money of the English in
order to strengthen his master's position in Herat, and yet had
not yielded to the English in giving any preferential rights in that
locality to English trade or English Politics. It was his efforts which
brough the activities of Pottinger and Stuart and Todd in Herat
to nought. Again it was he, who with the help of the Persians in
Meshad, and the movement set up by Akhtar Khan, and Akram Khan
did everything to protect the Dawar region from English penetration
and their explusion from the areas of Arghandab and the Helmand
basin. These matters are made known in one of his letters which
contains the following points:

(... Every one of you should collect your followers, and betake
yourselves to Dawar and be prepared there. I, too, will reach from
Herat for help, and from Meshad we expect to receive help in the
shape of ten thousand fighting men, and twelve guns and two lakhs
of rupees. I shall come with great speed by the end of Muhharram
at Bukwa. Be sure that none of the Durrani nobles who have been
gathered together do not disperse. I shall be coming for certain. . .)

When at that time, too, Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan, had expelled
Todd from Herat, the English had considered this action of the
Vazir as a great slight upon themselves. Macnaughton in great wrath


-148-
over the matter gave orders that Herat should be attacked by guns
and a body of English troops, and as a first step, the insurrection of
Akhtar Khan, whose territory was nearest to Kandahar should be squash-
ed. Taking this plan in view, Rawlinson, the English Political Agent
at Kandahar, wrote to Russell in Sindh, and to the commander of
English forces, so that whatever troops were available at Sindh
should be sent to Kandahar, so that an expedition may be launched
towards the region of Dawar, Herat and various other points in the
western area. But Macnaughton and Lord Auckland were divided in
their opinion in regards to an expedition to Herat. Macnaughton wanted
that the region of Heri Rud should be brought under the rule of Shah-
shuja atonce, whereas Lord Auckland held that first of all the English
troops should assume strength and mastery in the whole of Afghanistan
after which the Herat question should be considered. Lord Auckland
indeed, was not even a supporter of fighting for Herat, but thought to
solve the problem through sending envoys to Herat.

It would be seen, therefore, that whereas the higher officials
in Calcutta were opposed to any military expedition against Herat,
Rawlinson had the intention of launching out against Vazir Yar
Mohamed Khan, so that from Kandahar measures may be
taken to invade the Dawar territoy, Herat and western areas
and to encompass it. In any case an expedition against Akhtar
Khan was very positively in Rawlinson's mind. It was atlast
resolved that Rawlinson's assistant, named Elliot, should proceed
towards Dawar. The purpose of this journey of Elliot was not
to fight or to precipitate any sort of struggle, but by some means
to conciliate Akhtar Khan. Elliot met Akhtar Khan, and the leader
of Dawar was pacified through receiving some advantages from
the English.

This "pacification" had but a superficial aspect as far as
Akhtar Khan was concerned, and Rawlinson, the English
political Agent, likewise was treating the matter in the same
light on his part, thinking that the patch-work of cordiality was very
temporary. In actual practice the result was seen, for the Ghil-
zais raised a standard of revolt against the English, and when
the English forces now paid closer attention towards the


- 149 -

Ghilzais. Akhtar Khan found his opportunity, for although the
Durrani rulers had reduced the levy of revenues, and other
adjustments had been made in the Dawari administration, but as
the men of Dawar were very much against the foreigners they
paid no attention to the reduction of revenues and other adminis-
trative re-adjustments and backed by three thousand fighting
men Akhtar Khan rose against the English.

Macnaughton was now beside himself regarding the second
revolt of Akhtar Khan, and wrote to Rawlinson that whose-ever
could produce the severed head of that nobleman of Dawar,
shall receive a reward of ten thousand rupees. The English authors
writing of these matters, generally believed that every revolt of
this description that raised its head was due to the individual
interest of persons, and had always felt that the people of Afghanistan
would be willing to come under the foreign yoke. Thus, they
thought that Akhtar Khan had become their enemy for personal
aggrandisement, and that his head could be purchased with money.
All the English officers, and more especially Rawlinson himself
at Kandahar could see that the position of the English in
Afghanistan was getting precarious every day, and that a political
deluge was about to come upon them one day.

Macnaughton, sent out from Kabul one of his officers
named Warburton of Shahshuja's force with a unit of the Fifth
Infentry together with a cavalry unit and guns, the whole number
of which was . . . . . . . ( incomplete . . . . . ) version in Persian
has been omitted here, for on page 119 ( Persian version ) the
material runs out; and page 120 of Persian Version begins with
a quite different subject . . . . . . . ( translator. )

THE RISE & FALL OF KANDAHARI SIRDARS.

ARTICLE: THIRTY NINTH

As a result of the Barakzai Brothers, a feudal form
of administration came into being in Afghanistan. But the
Barakzai Sirdar at Kandahar and in its environs established


= 150 =
a local government. In this Unit of administration four of
these Barakzai nobles ruled: Sirdar Shair Dil Khan, Sirdar
Pur Dil Khan, Sirdar Mihr Dil Khan and Sirdar Kuhandil
Khan respectively. But after the death of Sirdar Kuhin Dil
Khan (7th. Ziqad 1271. A. H.) this system was fortunately
abrogated, so that Amir Dost Mohamed Khan with his
political acumen and policy and his Son Amir Shair Ali Khan
brought the whole under a wellknit system of administration
and unified the whole under one centre.

Amongst the 21 sons of Sirdar Payanda Khan, five sons
from the same mother-a lady Ghilzai in origin-were famous. They
were Sirdars Shair Dil. Pur Dil, Kuhin Dil, Mihr Dil and Rahm Dil.
They were also styled as the "Kandahari Siradrs". Due to their ma-
ternal influence in the regions of Arghandab, Tarnik, and Helmund
the above mentioned appallation was applied to them, as
contrasted with the Peshawari Sirdars, that is their brothers
associated with the Peshawar area.

There is little doubt that the rise of the Barakzai Brotherrs
as a whole, and without differenciating one group from the other,
gives it in the 19th. century period of Afghan history a unique posi-
tion. It is a story in to which is knit dramas of various kinds-which
show the transfer of power from one dynasty to another, and which
had precipitated the country into internal and external entanglement,
and when the territory was divided up into feudal a form of
government, into east, south and south west areas.

In this article, however, we would not concern ourselves with
the matter of general rise to power of the Barakzai Brothers, but
would interest ourselves only with the progress and development of
the power and activities of the Kandahari Sirdars of the Barakzai clan.

When Vazir Fateh Khan was blinded by the order of prince
Kamran of Herat the brothers Shair Dil Khan, Pur Dil Khan and
Kohindil Khan left that city and took the city of Kandahar from Gul-
Mohamed Khan, who was then the governor of that town on behalf


- 151 -

of Kamran. From that date onwards the influence of these Barakzai brothers became paramount at Kandahar. Sirdar Shair Dil Khan was the head of the administration at the time. It was a time, too, when on the eastern side of the realm Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan and Sirdar Dost Mohamed Khan had raised their standard against the Saduzais from Kashmir, and had driven Shah Mahmud-the Saduzai-from his throne at Kabul and had put him to flight towards Herat. in the eastern province these two brothers had completely taken over the goernment into their hands. Nor was it all, because personal animosity and rivalry reared its head amongst them, and a contest for power had started.

The Sirdars of Kandahar were now ruling over a territory beginning from Kelat upto Grishk, and from the distant regions of the river Indus to the south.west of Afghanistan. For years the rulership of Shikar Pore was in their hands, so that one of the brothers looked after the government there.

These Sirdars of Kandahar had, at their time of greatest power, not desisted from casting eyes upon matters pertaining to Kabul, and when Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan died, and his son Sirdar Habibullah Khan took the place of his father, the Kandahari brothers interfered in Kabul scenes, and once Pur Dil Khan and on another occasion Shair Dil Khan entered into the Kabul intrigues, when agreements were made regarding the division of the territory amongst these brothers, and when Sirdar Dost Mohamed Khan made the rulership of Kabul secure for himself. Despite of it all, and throughout his entire period of reign however the Predominence of the Kandahari Sirdar remained in tact in Kandahar. When the English and Shan-shuja under Macnaughton invaded Afghanistan and were converging upon Kandahar, Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan was ruling over Kandahar, and with the help of Sirdars Rahm Dil Khan and Mihr Dil Khan prepared to offer resistance to the aggressors. The foreigner's troops were able to overpower that resistance due to the internal strife and treachery of some of the people themselves. As a result these Sirdars had to take refuge in the territory along the river, and for a time had to remain as refugees in Persia. When Amir Dost Mohamed Khan


- 152 -
was permitted to return home from India, these Barakzai Brothers
also returned to Kandahar, and Sirdar Kuhin Dil Khan once again
took the government of Kandahar into his hand.

The Sirdars Mihr Dil Khan and Kohin Dil Khan died within a few
months of each other (the first named on the 27th of Jamadus Sani;
and the later on the 8th of Zilbij of 1271.A.H.) It was the seventh
year of the reign of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan when upon the death
of Sirdar Kuhin Dil Khan a rift appeared into the ranks of the
Kandahar Sirdars and their influence began to wane.

Particulars of this event are that after the death of Kohin Dil
Khan, his son Sirdar Mohamed Sadiq Khan, and his uncle Sirdar
Rahm Dil Khan became contestants for rulership of Kandahar. A
struggle ensued. Although Rahm Dil Khan eventually was victorious,
yet Sirdar Mohamed Sadiq Khan succeeded in gathering round him
his cousins and continued to agitate. These causins being the sons
of Pur Dil Khan and Mihr Dil Khan. Each one of these cousins
considered himself as the proper claimant, and as in one of these
battles one Mir Afzal, the son of Pur Dil Khan was killed the whole
matter assumed a very grave aspect, and the nephews of Rahm
Dil Khan appealed to their other uncle the Amir at Kabul to
interfere in Kandahar matters.

In the first instance Amir Dost Mohamed Khan sent a messenger
to his brother at Kandahar to mend his ways, and to come within
the pale of Kabul government, but as this method did not
succeed, he ordered his son Sirdar Shair Ali Khan, who was his
father's representative at Ghazni to march out to Kandahar with a
sufficient body of trsops, Sirdar Shair Ali Khan did so and bivouaced
at Deh Khoja near Kandahar. Shair Ali Khan opened overtures
with his uncle at Kandahar, and by opening a way into the
city he secretly introduced a hundred or two hundred of his men
daily into Kandahar till three regiments of Kabul soldiers, and
field guns wer hidden in the city at various points.


Sardar Kohan Dil Khan.


Amir Dost Mohamad Khan.


-153-

When this military infiltration was complete, Shair Ali Khan then took the Arg and Killa of Azimabad, and without recourse to actual fighting Shair Ali Khan managed to overpower his uncle in Kandahar, so that in the year 1272 A. H. Kandahar and its environs fell in line with the rest of the dominions of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, and the last vestige of the Kandahari Sirdars was thus removed from the scene of government. This was really a great step that had been taken towards the unity of the kingdom. Shair Ali Khan's success made Sirdar Rahm Dil Khan to flee towards Marouf. Sirdar Mohamed Siddiq Khan, the son of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan went to Farah. Sirdar Khushdil Khan, son of Sirdar Mihr Dil Khan, and Sirdar Sultan Ali Khan son of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan fled to Poshanuj. The remaining descendents of the Kandahari Sirdars found their respective hiding places far and near. Sirdar Shair Ali Khan, however, chased all of them, so that Sirdar Jalaluddin Khan, the son of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan arrested Sirdar Mohamed Sadiq Khan at Farah, but he escaped on the way towards Gulistan of Ghour. But from there he arrived at the court of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan. Sirdar Rahm Dil Khan after a great chase was brought before the Amir and because of promises of pardon that had been given through the intermediation of Sirdar Ghulam Haider Khan, the former came to realise that his claim and those of the others, no longer held true , and finally, therefore, the entire descendents of the Sirdars of the ancient city of Kandahar lost all claims to rulership.

* * *

SIRDAR SULTAN AHMAD KHAN
and.
THE HERAT GOVERNMENT.
ARTICLE FORTHIETH

In this article particulars will be given about a man, whose place is amongst the first in the rank of those who served the na-


-154-
tional cause during the First Afghan War. This great warrior, who
was not friendly to Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, took refuge at the
Qajjar court, and accepted the government of Herat for the sole pur-
pose of opposing Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, both as a rival and
an enemy of the Amir. No doubt in his temper and action, there is
more a mere suggestion of separatism, but in effect this is no
more than tendency of separateness which existed amongst all the
leaders during the 18th and the 19th century, so that in order to
appreciate this feeling, one ought to keep in view the time and the
circumstances that obtained at the time.

One of the young Sirdars, with a determination and warmth
of an Afghan spirit, who attract our attention during the difficult
times of the First Afghan War (1839. A.D.) and whose career lasted
upto the end of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan's reign (Tuesday 21st.
Ziqada 1279.A.H.) was the son of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, one
named Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan.

The life and work of Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan according to
historical analysis come under two heads, in these two phases of his
activities, a few years of his life as a refugee must also be counted.
Although these two sections of his life's activities appear as rather
contrary to one another, yet if one were to consider the real facts,
this apparent contradiction does not really exist in the mental make-
up of the Sirdar.

The role which this Sirdar has played in the period of the first
quarter of the 19th century belongs to that character which shows
him battling against the aggressive forces of the English, in de-
fence of his people from aggression, and his endeavours for the
expulsion of the foreigners from Afghanistan. The next phase
relates to that which concerns his adhesion to the Persian view
point. Circumstances had so contrived that this Sirdar should rule
over Herat, and from this small principality he should play a role
in the moving affairs of the east.


-155-
Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan was a playmate of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan, one of the sons of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, and both during their younger days and when they were grown men, they remained great friends. Not only because of their association during their youth but also in regards to higher things in life, the views of the two were similar. Their personalities ought to be kept in view as to the activities of each in the development of historical events as the time progresses so that the troubles and tribulations of life of the times could be seen as reflected by the two careers.

When Amir Dost Mohamed Khan had taken refuge in Bokhara on the English invasion of Afghanistan accompanied by Shah Shuja, these two Sirdars were busy in devising schemes, each in his own way; to win back the liberation of Afghanistan. When Amir Dost Mohamed Khan ultimately reached Kabul, the two Sirdars having endured the prison the Amir of Bokhara, were released in the year 1257. A. H. and crossing the Oxus reached the troublous regions of Kabul once again.

As every body knows those were the times when the great movement of national liberation was a foot at Kabul. At Shair Pur Abdullah Khan Achakzai was attacking the English guns constantly till one day the two Sirdars also reached the battle field and found that the other great national hero-Abdullah Khan Achakzai-was mortally wounded. After this, in all battles and forays, such as the battles at Shair Por, at Bibi Mahro, in all conferences of the leaders of the nation against the English, as also in the assassination of Macnaghten, in the conference which terminated in the treaty of the English and their promise to evacuate Kabul, in those engagements that took place in the eastern parts of the country, at the attack at Tazeen, in the battles of Jalalabad, in the efforts to thwarting the forces of General Pollock, in the Khyber pass, and in short in all those battles and engagements that were undertaken for the defence of the country against the agressors Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan took notable part. From the smallest to greatest of these events he was an active partner of his cousin and friend Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan. Indeed,


-156-
so close was the co-operation of these two young warriors, that
those events which were considered as most dangerous and
important, were all entrusted to Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan. This co-
operation lasted tiil Afghanistan was rid of the aggressors, and Amir
Dost Mohamed Khan once again arrived in Afghanistan in the
month of Ramazan of the year 1258. A. H. (1842. A. D. ) and
in 1259. A. H. occupied the throne of Afghanistan.

With the disappearance of the English aggressors from Afgha-
nistan the first phase of the activities of Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan
terminated. The return of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, however,
persuaded him along with Sirdar Mohamed Zaman Khan to bid for
the Emirate of Afghanistan.

Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan, seeing the whole hearted support
that he had all along received from Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan,
gave promise to his cousin and companion of many battles that he
(Sultan Ahmed Khan) shall receive the governership of the northern
regions of the Hindu-Kush. Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan was content
with this offer, but in effect he thought of greater things for him
self. When, however, Amir Dost Mohamed Khan sat on the throne
of Afghanistan, he heard, of course, of Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan's-
ambitions, and quite naturally did not like another rival. It is also
related that this difficulty was due to some personal motives which
were further inflamed by the intriguers at the court. Sirdar Sultan
Ahmed Khan's point of view was that as he had performed national
service, he obviously deserved his reward. But very probably the
reason of the animosity between him and the Amir was due to the
foreign policy of the country, for the Sirdar did not consider the
attitude of the Amir towards the English as desirable, for the Sir-
dar had, different ideas as to what the English wanted in pursuit
of their imperialist policy in the east. In any case discord arose
between the Amir and the Sirdar. A letter written by Sirdar
Sultan Ahmed Khan to the King of Persia was captured by Sirdar
Sultan Mohamed Khsn-another brother of Amir Dost Mohamed
Khan-and this occasioned the flight of Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan
and his taking refuge at the Qajjar court.

Those were the times when the Persian king showed interest in
the claims of the descendent of Vazir Yar Mohamed Khan Alakozay, and


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when the question of Herat was settled through English intervention at the Persian Gulf vide the Agreement which was signed on the 4th of March 1857 A. D. Any person, therefore, anyone who was the rival of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, and an enemy of the English was, of course, a great "asset" for the persians, who thought that by giving asylum to the disgrountled Afghans at Herat, their purpose could be well served. It was further considered by the Persians (although they the persians) had undertaken under the treaty made with the English regarding the non-intervention in Herat affairs, not to do so) they could use an Afghan at Herat for their own desings, an Afghan who was at one and the same time an enemy of the English and a rival to Amir Dost Mohmed Khan. According to this idea Nasiruddin Qajjar showed much respect to Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan, and his son, for he gave the title of SIRKAR to Sirdar Sultan Ahmad Khan, and bestowed the title of Amir Panji upon the Sirdar's son. In these circumstances, there for a struggle was precipitated between a great Afghan hero, rich with the services of the nation, and Amir Dost Mohamed Khan at a time when the unity of the Kingdom was in the making. And all this due to personal interests and on account of the refuge taken by the Sirdar at the Persian court as also by his governorship of Herat. He was, too, the son in law of Amir Dost Mohamed khan for his wife was the real sister of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan and Amir Shair Ali Khan. Here was an unfortunate position, for so close a relationship was converted into deep animosity.

When the sending of letters and communications did little good, and as Sirdar Sultan Ahmed khan now contemplated an expedition against Farah, Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was compelled to settle the Herat question once and for all. An expedition was sent out against Sirdar Sultan Ahmed khan under the leadership of Sirdar Shair Ali khan, and the Amir himself leaving his winter quarters Jalalabad, and having placed matters of Kabul and Kandahar on a firm footing, left for Herat. The armies encamped close to the walls of the city of Herat.

This sad story of battles between the nephew and the uncle, the battle between the father and the husband, and this tug of war between the king and a heroic Sirdar, is one of the tragedies of those times. The siege lasted for ten months, and


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each one of which requires a separate chapter to itself. It is
strange, too, that this tragedy shows the valour and the Afghan
spirit on both sides, but most unfortunately, that very unhappy trait
of discord which had time and again hindered the happiness
and had distressed our country is singularly manifested in this
as in others. During this tragic encirclement of the town of Herat,
the Sirdar and his wife died within a short time of each other,
and the city surrendered: It should be recorded that two weeks
after this the Amir too, died, and thus the curtain falls upon
this tragedy.

* * *

TEN MONTHS SIEGE OF HERAT.
Amir Dost Mohamed Khan versus Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan.

ARTICLE FORTY FIRST

The last year of the life and reign of Amir Dost Mohamed
Khan was practically spent in laying a siege of Herat ( 1278.
A. H. ). This was a battle which had all the appearance of
an internecine war, but as the fate of Herat depended upon
it, both the king and the people of Herat were determined
that this tussle must take place, and the fight must con-
tinue to the end. Sirdar Sultan Ahmed, too, did not show
the slightest inclination to weaken, and continued to defend
the city gallantly, so that the Sirdar did not surrender
[margin: may 1863] till he died, and the king did not die till he did not
capture the city. In his old age, the national urge came
upon the king, and in his failing health and physical dis-
abilities he persevered to reduce Herat and was successful,
( or was it death that solved the question ?)

* * *

There is little doubt that it was Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan,
the son of Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan, who put in a great
deal of effort to expel the aggressors from the realm, and
towards his later, years was a claimer to the throne. But when
that feeling did and not translate itself into reality, ( through the


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influence of Sirdar Mohamed Akbar Khan, which made him
show a spirit of co-operation and contentment for what he was being
offered as a reward for his services,) but upon Amir Dost Mohamed
Khan's accession to the throne, and due to the conflict with
the Amir's foreign policy, a difference of opinion on foreign
policy arose between the two. According to the agreement
which he had made with the English at Kandahar, that he will
not interfer with the Indian affairs, also in regards to the Herat
question, too, the Amir hesitated till the last, inorder to know the
inclination of the English. In as much as Sirdar Sultan Ahmed
Khan was the avowed enemy of the English and their imperialist
designs in the east, he was, therefore, unable to fall in with the
views of the Amir, for the Amir was bound by engagements with
the English. At last he left Afghan territory due to personal antago-
nism, and went to Tehran. In order to rival Amir Dost Mohamed
Khan and to oppose the English wherever he could find them,
he accepted the governorship of Herat as liege to the Persians.
It was this decision that made the uncle and the nephew, the
father-in-law and the son-in-law oppose each other from behind
the walls of Herat, and to fight out the issue till they died.

Amir Dost Mohamed Khan moved from Kabul together with
several Sirdars and leaders towards Herat on 8th. Shawal 1277.
A. H. The advance party was sent under Sirdar Shair Ali Khan
and Sidars Mohamed Amin Khan and Sirdar Mohamed Sharif
Khan-Dost Mohamed Khan's sons who on the way took the city
of Farah from Mir Afzal Khan, an appointee of Sirdar
Sultan Ahmed Khan. The Amir at the head of his own army
joined the advance party. The combined forces after breaf
engagements against Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan's son Shahnawaz
Khan at Subzawar and the environs of the city, surrounded the
city of Herat. Thus the city of Herat was beseiged on the 10th of
Safar 1278. A. H. ( August 1861. A. D. ) For five days the beseiging
army dug up trenches around the city, and frequent night raids,
tunnelling and sundry engagements continued for six months.

Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan, during the difficult days of
siege wrote a letter to Nasiruddin Qajjar seeking help, but the


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king of Persia did not give him the slightest assistance excus-
ing himself due to the treaty with the English which he had
made in 1857. A. D. and so gave a flat refulsal. Furthermore
Abdul Ghafar Khan, the English representative at Meshad wrote to
Amir Dost Mohamed Khan, informing the Amir of the neutrality
of the Shah towards this struggle over Herat. The Amir had
managed to convey the reply of the Shah and the English repre-
sentative's letter to the beseiged Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan, and
sent these communications to the Sirdar at Herat. The Sirdar sent
a reply to Amir Dost Mohamed Khan in these words of the Persian
verse. "What if we have no pilot for our ship! We have a God,
and need no pilot!"

Despite the fact that the rigours and distresses of the siege
increased, the Sirdar did not give in the slightest degree in his re-
solve and purpose, and continued to defend the city. Overcome with
grief, the princess Nawab Dokhtar, the daughter of Amir Dost Mo-
hamed Khan, who was the witness of this tragedy died during the
eighth month of the siege overcome by the strife between the close
members of the family. The sad death did produce a certain amount
of steadying effect upon the conflict. The bier of the princes was
carried out of the city, with the permission of the Amir and accom-
panied by the lady's small son Abdullah Jan, was buried with the
expression of grief of her relatives at Guzargah. After the usual
ceremonies for the dead, and the return of young Abdullah Jan to
the city the siege continued. Lack of food and other difficulties of those
beseiged brought great distress upon the people. It is related that
during those days, Sirdar Sultan Ahmad Khan personally distributed
food and eatables to the people at the four corners of the
city every week, and used to encourage the people to resist, till the
stores became empty. All that remained were the animals, and the
distress of the people was extreme, so that the Sirdar himself struck
by the tragedy of the death of his wife, died after about a month
and a halth. Once again the battle subsided and once again the
gateway of Herat was opened and he was buried, all the Sirdars
taking part in the ceremony except the Amir; and the honour for
the dead was fully manifested by the lines of soldiers on the road.


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He was buried along side of his wife, and after three days of funeral and memorial ceremonies, the gateways of the city were again closed and the siege continued.

At that juncture, both from the side of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan and the people of the city every endeavour was made to end the senseless struggle, but the sons of the late Sirdar, especially Shah Nawaz Khan, who had succeeded his father were greatly opposed to any peace settlement. Towards the tenth month, however when the rations had become exhausted, the people of the town themselves along with some of the leaders, like Mir Afzal Khan, son of Sirdar Pur Dil Khan, and Ghulam Mohayuddin Khan son of Sirdar Kohin Dil Khan also favoured the people's point of view. But Sirdar Shah Nawaz Khan insisted upon continuing the defence of the town. The above mentioned two Sirdars were asked to leave the city, and he together with his brothers continued to defend the city. But the inhabitants of the city could not undergo any further privations, and prince Shah Nawaz Khan and his brothers were persuaded to the gateways of the city on the 8th of Zil Hij 1278. A. H. (May 1862. A. D.) and the troops of the Amir entered the city.

During the days when the intensity of this siege was at its highest, and these struggles unto death between father-in-law and son-in-law were raging at their greatest point, the illness of Dost Mohamed Khan increased due to general physical weakness and no remedy seemed to do any good at al. When the Amir saw that his asthma would probably kill him, he called a meeting of his sons and others of his near relations and selected Sirdar Shair Ali Khan as his successor. And as the Amir's condition became dangerous and gave anxiety to all princes beside him, the gates of the city of Herat were opened and the town was surrundered. During his illness all the sad events, such as the death of his daughter, the fear of an internecine war and so forth were over-whelming him, yet he had a desire that Herat should be reduced at all costs. God gave him two more weeks of life, so that he could see the fall of Herat before his death.


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THE REVOLT OF AZAD KHAN, THE GOVERNOR OF KASHMIR
THE ACTION OF H. M. TIMOUR SHAH
AGAINST HIM.
ARTICLE FORTY SECOND

From the time of His Majesty Ahmed Shah upto the time of Nawab Jabbar Khan, who was the governor of Kashmir, the Afghan governors of that province designated governors, or Administrative officers or merely officers of the kingdom of Afghanistan had each and everyone of them raised their heads in revolt against the central government as rulers of Kashmir. Such governors as Abdullah Khan Alkozai, Shair Mohamed Khan Bamizai, Atta Mohamed Khan Bamziai, and Sirdar Mohamed Azeem Khan did so. Nor was that all, because some of them had with held the revenue of the province. One of such persons is Azad Khan son of Haji Karim Dad Khan, who after the death of his father became governor of Kashmir. We give here the story of his revolt and the punishment which he received at the hands of His Majesty Timour Shah.

* * *

The last of the governors of Kashmir appointed by His Majesty Ahmed Shah Durrani was one Haji Karim Dad Khan Arz Baigi. He ruled over Kashmir during the last years of the reign of the Afghan emperor Ahmed Shah Durrani. The death of this governor of Kashmir took place at about the time of the first ascending to the throne of Ahmed Shah's son Timour Shah. The new king appointed the son of the deceased Governor of Kashmir in place of his father.

Azad Khan was a great warrior, very resourceful and even rather inclined to insolence. As soon as he became the governor of Kashmir, he felt himself drunk with power and saw dreams of his own greatness. He thought of making himself independent, and by giving large sums of money to the commanders of the army he won them over to his side. Also he enrolled three thousand Kashmiree Indians into his army, and raised the standard of revolt


—163—
against his king. He then went further and kept back all revenues
which were due to the central Government.

As soon as these unseeming activities of Azad Khan reached
the ears of the king in Afghanistan, he sent an officer, one named
Mir Mohamed Ali Khan, known as Kifayat Khan to give "good ad-
vice" to the rebel. The king's messenger, due to his wisdom mana-
ged to persuade the rebel to come to his senses, and not to indulge
in such acts against the government. He also advised him to send
three lakhs of rupees to Afghanistan and be received at the king's
audience.

The "rebel" governor had hardly emerged from Kashmir, when
the king heard further reports against Azad Khan from the lips of
his brothers namely Murtaza Khan and Zaman Khan, who had been
asked by their brother-the governor of Kashmir-to leave Kashmir,
and who had taken refuge at the Afghan court. The king became
enraged against Azad Khan and commanded that thirty thousand
fighting men should immediately be go to Kashmir and that Azad
Khan should be punished. The kings's army encamped Kashmir on
the outskirts of a village named Nakli on the banks of the river
Muzaffarabad. It so happened that Azad Khan at that time was on
the other side of the river in the house of his father in law. A
battle, therefore took place between the troops of the king and the
Kashmirees. Mullah Azam Khan, the commander of Kashmir troops
was killed and the king's troops were victorious. Two thousand
men of Azad Khan were drowned in the river at Muzarffabad, and
the rebel governor wanted to flee, but his cousin, one named Pahlawan
Khan dissuaded him and Made him withstand the onslaught,so that by
repeated attempts at fighting, the rebel's troops steadily achieved the
upper hand, and the king's forces were defeated. Having gained victory
Azad Khan returned to Kashmir and the king's men retreated to Kabul.

It is related that during this fighting the Yusuf Zai clans,
and those of Peshawar, showed loyalty to the Saduzai kings' cause.
One of them Syed Olul Shah belonging to the clan of Utman Khail
fought so gallantly, despite many wounds, that he was brought be-


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fore Azad Khan and was the object of much appreciation from the
governor of Kashmir. Impressed by the fighting qualities of this
man, it is related that the rebel governor enrolled one thousand
and five hundred of his Yusufzai clansmen in his army. When His
Majesty Timour Shah heard the news of defeat of his army, he
thereupon resolved to take an expedition himself to the east. With
a great army he arrived at Peshawar, giving the command of the army,
the military quarters and the arrangements of war to Sirdar Madad
Khan Isshaq Zai. Madad Khan took his men across the river Indus
near Attock to the confines of Kashmir. Azad Khan on his part
stood on the defensive. Whilst small engagements took place, Madad
Khan got a certain number of Azad Khan's men to withdraw their
allegiance towards him, and brought them to the king's fold by
promises and other devices. By the order of Azad Khan, Shadi Khan
made a night attack upon the king's forces, but as Madad Khan
was well informed of that plan, battles were fought out and as
Azad Khan heard of the plans of the king's commander and
found that he could not cope with it, took refuge in the house of
his father in law. The father in law of Azad Khan did not want to
implicate himself with his son in law's evil doings, therefore, with
the help and co-operation of the king's commander, he (the father
in law) by degrees reduced the number of Azad Khan's men and
when one day Azad Khan was sleep alone in a room, his father in law
locked the door of the room, and the rebel was Captured. His father
in law was rewarded by being installed as an officer of two thousand
horsemen in the service of the king.

Azad Khan finding that his opposition had no further meaning
wanted to blow up his brains with a revolver, but he himself took
out Azad's eyes and then cut his head and sent the rebel's head to
the king at Peshawar and continued to be in the king's service.

It is related that Timour Shah was really distressed about the
murder of Azad Khan, whom he regarded as a great fighter with a
manly character. The rebel was buried with due honours by the or-
der of the king, and his mother was summoned from Kandahar. When
she was asked to remarry, and take on one of the nobles of the court as


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husband,so that she might become mother to another son like Azad
Khan, who might have great qualities of bravery of an Afghan;
the Afghan woman replied there would be no such man as Ahmed
Shah, to whom a son like Timour-a just and a good king may be
born, nor would there be another Haji Karim Dad Khan, her decea-
sed husband from whom a son like Azad Khan was to be born. The
reply pleased the king greatly and she was highly honoured. The
small son of Azad Khan went to Kandahar and lived during the reign
of Timour Shah.

* * *

TIMOUR SHAH DURRANI AND THE PLAN OF
VAZIR SHAH WALI KHAN.
ARTICLE FORTY THIRDTH
About the events of the Saduzai dynasty, the events of the
coming upon the throne of Ahmed Shah Durrani, and
the reasons of the plans of Vazir Shah Wali Khan it is impossible
to arrive at a denifite conclusion. The real and the hidden meaning
differ, and as documents in this connection are few and for between
are quite vague on's judgement ought to be carefully weighed.

* * *

Although the number of wives and the sons of His Majesty
Ahmed Shah Durrani are not correctly known, yet he is said to
have had six sons, whose names are given below: Prince Timour,
Prince Sulaiman; Prince Sikandar, Prince Shahab, Prince Darab and
Prince Parwaiz. Prince Timour was the eldest son of Ahmed Shah,
whose mother belonged to Bahsood of Jalalabad. This prince had been
appointed first as governor of the Punjab and then of Herat during
the life time of his father. These appointments showed the impor-
tance of this prince in the eyes of his father.

* * *

It is related that Ahmed Shah prior to his going out for a
rest towards the Tobah mountains from Kandahar in the year 1187,
A.H. (about 45 miles east of Kandahar) convened a meeting of his


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sons and the heads of the clans, at which he proclaimed his eldest
son Timour as his heir to the throne. After that he journeyed to-
wards Mahal Marouf. When, however, the illness of Ahmed Shah
took a dangerous turn, Prince Timour intended to come to see his
father at Kandahar, but when he arrived a place called Washair,
which lies on the way to Kandahar in the Helmand area, he received
instructions to return to Herat. The return of this Prince from so
close a proximity of Kandahar is a very delicate matter to judge,
for it is a fact which reflects upon the activities of Vazir Shah Wali
Khan and the raising to the throne of his son-in law Sulaiman, and
explains the motive behind the order not to proceed further than the
above mentioned point. As the king was very ill, it is conjectured
that the prohibitory order was issued by the Vazir on behalf of the
king. In any case the proclaiming of Prince Timour as the king
by Ahmed Shah was a fact which was enacted in the presence of
the heads of the clans. When Prince Timour, however, went back
to Herat and was still there, the death occurred of His Majesty
Ahmad Shah at Kandahar, and Prince Sulaiman was placed upon the
throne of his father. Prince Sulaiman was younger in years to his
elder brother Prince Timour, and his accession to the throne was
regarded as the action of Vazir Shah Wali Khan, who was the
father in law of the young prince Sulaiman.

There is little doubt that Vazir Shah Wali Khan was a man of
foresight and wisdom and his oratory was well known, for by the flow
of language he could keep his hearers spell bound, and his rivals
were always afraid of his mastery in that direction. The assump-
tion of kingship by prince Sulaiman at the time of absence of
his elder brother, who was at Herat, at considerations which
have provided contradictory observations in the history of Saduzais.
Some opinions have been expressed that the assumption of
rulership on the part of Prince Sulaiman was only a temporary
measure and a matter of policy of the time. So much so taht
the late Amir Habibullah Khan is also of the same opinion,
and that by this action Vazir Shah Wali Khan had no especial
plan Timour Shah. But any proof vindicating the Vazir for this
act is a difficult matter. His relationship with Prince Sulaiman,


-167-

his issuing the order for Prince Timour to return to Herat, and then quickly placing Sulaiman upon the throne are matters which are apparently against the Vazir. There is, however, the element of the wrong reporting on behalf of the rivals of the Vazir at the court, for at that period of our history, such elements were unfortunately rife and had their power, and thus they may have contributed towards the severing of friendly relations between the Vazir and the Prince.

When the news of the accession to the throne of Prince Sulaiman reached the ears of his elder brother at Herat, he (Timour) at once started for Kandahar. According to the records of the time, a good number of the heads of the clans, who did not see eye to eye with the Vazir also left Kandahar to receive Prince Timour on his way to Kandahar. Some were headed by such Sirdars as Sirdar Madad Khan Isshaqzai.

The somewhat surprising fact is this that on one side the Vazir was said to have placed his son in law on the throne, and on the other hand, he himself also started westward to receive Prince Timour. An explanation is given by saying that the Vazir had placed Prince Sulaiman on the throne, so that no interim difficulties about the accession may occur. Thus in reality the Vazir was in favour of Prince Timour. But those who surrounded Prince Timour had poisoned the ears of the Prince to such a degree that the Prince would not see the Vazir on his way to Kandahar.

It is reported that the Vazir and the Prince were very near Farah one coming from Herat and the other from Kandahar. The prince had a large army with him, while the Vazir was accompanied by only one hundred and fifty horsemen.

As soon as those who accompanied the prince heard of the Vazir's arrival at Farah, they advised the prince with the connivance of Qazi Faizullah Khan, that the Vazir should be killed, and that he should certainly not see the Vazir, because the purpose of his reception by the Vazir was no other than to deceive him.


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With the permission of the prince, therefore, two heads of the clans namely Anko Khan Bamizai and Islam Khan assassinated the great Vazir, who had served so well, at a place called Siah Aab in the western portion of the Bakwah desert, together with his two sons and two of his nephews. As a result of this shameful action, and prior to ascending to the throne, a large number of the leaders of the clans were prejudiced against the prince. When Prince Timour reached Kandahar, his younger brother Prince Sulaiman very gladly vacated the royal place in favour of his elder brother from Herat. A number of the leaders of the clans were left at Kandahar-Kandahar as the center of administration-and Timour started towards Kabul. Inspite of this his antagonists were not quiet and made a pact around Abdul Khaliq Khan, the uncle of Ahmed Shah, and attacked Kabul. As a rasult battles were fought and at last Timour Shah was secure upon the throne.

THE LAST DAYS OF AMIR DOST
MOHAMED KHAN.

ARTICLE FORTY FORTH

One of the reasons of rivalry and animosity of the Barakzais and the Saduzais was that Herat remained in the hands of weak princes of Saduzais and the Alokozais, and their weakness compelled them often to seek the help of the Qajjars of Persia. During these turbulent times because one of the events had assumed high importance, (Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan had established a rulership at Herat), the last year, of the reign of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was spent in solving the Herat question, and the reduction of Herat was the last act of his reign which gave him satisfaction at his death-bed, after which he died within two weeks.

During the winter of 1277, A.H. when Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was as usual at Jalalabad, he received a letter from Saifullah Khan,


[BLANK PAGE]


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brother. As we have already mentioned, at the centre of the kingdom one of the grandsons of the Amir had been made the governor. But a large number of the king's relatives were with him on this Herat expedition, each one of whom had a plan unto himself for his personal interests, except Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan. Each, too, had some expectations for the throne of their father.

Apart from this the question of Herat had become a matter of contention, for Sirdar Sultan Ahmed Khan would not give up resistance and continued to fight, and after him his son Sirdar Shah Nawaz Khan, despite the solicitations of the inhabitants of the town would not give up. Quite naturally the illness of the king under this strain of war and worry progressively became worse, and added to other difficulties producing a situation at which might well shed tears.

As Amir Dost Mohamed Khan now saw the danger of the situation from all directions, and hoped but little for his success, only two matters had any importance to him. Both of them had the significance of life and death to him ; the first was the appointment of an heir to the throne, and the second was the fall of Herat. The Amir was of the opinion that even if one of these two objects could not be secured, prior to his death, then the whole picture of events as he saw them would be gravely distorted and became one was intimately related to the other, and since no other person could conduct the warfare except himself, he resolved to call a meeting of his sons and princes, leaders of the clans and heads of the departments of the army so that he could solve the question with them and before them. Mirza Yaqub Ali Khan writes of this in his book entitled "The Statements of the Last Kings of Afghanistan, as below:

"In the Deh Bori of Kabul, I fastened the sword to the girdle of my grandson Sirdar Mohamed Ali Khan, as the heir of his father Sirdar Shair Ali Khan, and made him governor of Kabul. To you all elders I have addressed these remarks that you


- 171 -

should acknowledge Sirdar Shair Ali Khan as my successor. To day
the Sirkar's illness is grave and there is no hope for his survival.
With your consent and approval I wish to make my successor Sirdar
Shair Ali Khan. What is your opinion? All the elders who were present
agreed to the command of the king and said that may this decision prove
auspicious. After that he placed his own turban upon the head of Sirdar
Shair Ali Khan, and fastened his own sword to the girdle of his son.
All this was enacted in front of the big and the small, all high
ranking officers and the army. All acknowleged Sirdar Shair Ali khan
as the king presumptive and congratulated him. After that the Amir
gave an advice for unity and the necessity of preserving unity, and
commanded that all should obey Sirdar Shair Ali Khan. When this was
finished, the Amir emphasised the necessity and urgency of reducing the
Herat citadel with all possilble haste, and exhorted his men to launch
an attack on the city. He wished that the city be captured during
his life time, adding that as he had not long to live the sooner
the city was reduced the happier he would feel as their king, so
that he may return to his God after that event.

The heads of the armies and the Sirdars were greatly impressed
by the king's "last words" and preparations were set on foot to
launch a strong attack upon Herat as a result of which prince Shah
Nawaz Khan and the inhabitants opened the gates of Herat on 8th of
Ziqad 1278 A.H.and under the instructions of the new king the city
was occupied. The last wish of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was thus
fulfilled and in conformity with the occasion much rejoining took
place on the fall of the city, in all cities and provinces.

* * *

AMIR SHAIR ALI KHAN STRUGGLES WITH HIS
BROTHERS

ARTICLE FORTY FIFTH

The period of reign of Amir Shair Ali Khan beginning from the end
of the year 1278 A. H. to the beginning of the year 1283 A.H.
meanig a period of four and a half years, despite all the good
intentions which he had to serve the best interests of the king-


- 172 -
dom. he was never free from the troubles and turmoils erected by his brothers. It was not like the period of Zaman Shah, when the Sadozai brothers had to be content with his reign. From Zarmust, Takhta Pul, Kandahar and Hazarajat,his brothers, like Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan, Sirdar Mohamed Aslam Khan, Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan and Sirdar Mokamed Amin Khan had arisen against him, and although the Amir was successful in the south, north and the west, he was at last overpowered by them.

Contrary to Timour Shah Sadozai, who did not declare any of his sons as heir to the throne (the number of such sons being 24). Amir Dost Mohamed Khan had more sons than the above mentioned, and at least 12 of whom survived him. During his life time the Amir gave special attention to this matter of succession. First of all he appointed his eldest son Sirdar Mohamed Haider Khan as his heir, but after the death of that Sirdar. Sirdar Shair Ali Khan was made heir.

As we wrote in the article entitled "The Last Days of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan", towards the end of the year 1278. A. H. when on one side he had the expedition of Herat on his hands, and on the other his ailment was getting very serious, he summoned prince Shair Ali Khan before all the Sirdars, military officers and elders and had the prince acknowledged as his successor, showing the wisdom, so that at that delicate juncture jealousies may not disturb the accomplishment of the task before him. But unfortunately, history shows that when Amir Dost Mohamed Khan closed his eyes and departed to the next world, the last rites of his death had not as yet been over, when the new king was sur rounded by fraternal discord.

During the actual time of kingship of his father, Amir Shair Ali Khan had been made paramount in all matters relating to the army, till Herat was reduced. And thirteen days after the death of the Amir and the termination of all ceremonies, a return to Kabul was undertaken.


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At this time the following of the sons of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan held offices in the country: Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan, the eldest, was ruling over the territory north of the Hindu Kush; Sirdar Mohamed Amin Khan was ruling at Kandahar; Sirdar Mohamed Sharif Khan was at Farah; and Mohamed Husain Khan was at Hazarajat; while the rest were all at Herat. Inspite of the fact that acknowledgement either in person or by letter was given, but inwardly not one of them was content with his lot. Prior to twenty days, when the new Amir was to leave Herat for Kabul, plots were being hatched and new plans were being made against him. The most important of these plans were made by Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan. Both for himself and his real brothers the above named Sirdars had expectations, and to all of such his incitement was excercised to the full. He wrote a letter to Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan at Takhta Pul near Mazar Sharif, and incited him to take Kabul. At the time, as may be remembered the city was under the governorship of Prince, Mohamed Ali Khan, son of Shair Ali Khan. But out of large heartedness he sent in his renewed allegiance to Shair Ali Khan, and contended himself with governing only the northern regions. As this incitement was found to be of no avail in the case of Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan, he sent presents through Mirza Ahmed Khan Kashmiree and Nazir Haidar Khan -both being his trusted men-to Kabul. But a letter was discovered from Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan in which he had written to his brother to take Kabul. The Amir, who was naturally susceptible, thought that this letter was indicative of an alliance between the two brothers from the north and the south, and to both of them replied that they should either make submission or be ready to fight. He sent a number of fighting men towards Zormut against Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan, and as he could not stand his ground, he was forced to escape to India and to the protection of the English. By this time Amir Shair Ali Khan had dispensed with his rivals, and then thought of driving final conclusions between himself and Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan. Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan had no real animosity against his brother the Amir, and expressed his allegiance and friendship towards Shair Ali Khan, but


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the Amir had become suspicious towards him both because he helped the revolt of Sirdar Mohamed Aslam Khan and because of the discovery of a letter of Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan, decided to march his troops northwards. A body of men under the command of prince Mohamed Ali Khan, the son of Amir Shair Ali Khan marching on to the north contacted the other troops in the valley of Bajgah near the Seighan and Kahmurd. The son of the Amir found himsel victorious, and the Amir himself arrived at the rear. At the Dou Aab of Shahpasund, Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan made an appearance before the Amir Shair Ali Khan. Rather than to march back to Kabul, and give the governorship of the north to his brother, the Amir marched upto Mazar Sharief, and Sirdar Abdur Rahman not liking the idea of his father submitting to Shair Ali Khan went as a refugee to Bokhara, while Mohamed Afzal Khan was put under house-arrest, so that the biggest of the claimants to the throne was squashed.

Sirdar Mohamed Aslam Khan resolved to fly to Hazarajat. He had an idea that with his real brother, Sirdar Mohamed Husain Khan he might still offer some resistance. Before the Amir reached Kabul, the above mentioned Sirdar reached Zormut and with the help of the tribesmen belonging to his mother's clan, he attacked Kabul.

Amir Shair Ali Khan was well aware of these plans. He, too, laid due plans in that direction. In Kandahar, Sirdar Mohamed Amin Khan did not send his Letter of Allegiance, but he was left there unmolested for the time being. In the Hazarajat, the other brother of Mohamed Aslam Khan was given a letter of pardon, and in addition, the Amir invited the people there to make allegiance to him ( to Shair Ali Khan ). As the people wanted to resist, Mohamed Aslam Khan was won over by Sirdar Mohamed Afzal Khan, and despite the fact that he had sent in his Letter of Allegiance to Amir Shair Ali Khan, he continued to help the enemies of the Amir, and endeavoured to ally them to his own cause.

When Sirdar Mohamed Azam Khan had separated himself from Amir Shair Ali Khan at Subzwar ( Sheen Dund ), he reached Zormut


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and his brother, so that during his four and half years reign Amir Shair Ali Khan had not a minute peace ( from the end of the year 1278. A.H. to the beginning of the year 1283. A.H. ) The diffiulteics that beset the path of Amir Shair Ali Khan with his brothers, have a close resemblance with the difficulties which were confronted by Zaman Shah, who, of course, was deprived of his sight. Amir Shair Ali Khan, though found a second opportunity to rule, but the activities of foreigners destroyed the desires and aspirations of both of these kings.

THE RESULTS OF CO-OPERATION.
ARTICLE FORTY SIXTH

In respect to the English aggressions, which are generally styled as the First and the Second Afghan Wars, the English authors have written a great deal, and some of their historians, knowing fully well that the had been the instigators of those wars, gave no cause for these wars, for some of their political leaders sought to weaken a nation, so that their own power and influence should increase thereby.

In point of fact these were results of the two systems of policies of the English: which are known as the Forward Policy and the Close Border Policy. Some of the viceroys of the English were therefore wedded to the one or the other of these two policies. Acting on these, and some time trying the one and at other accasions projecting the other if the previous did not suit their purpose-they found excuses for their intervention and made efforts to reduce the power of a country-Afghanistan -so that they themselves may become powerful.

The English have experience and skill when the conditions temperaments of the eastern peoples are concerned in which no one can equal them. Nor would anyone deny their skill in this regard. The political leaders of the English with great foresight and penetration


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introduced their influence in the eastern regions of India; and progressed in that land gradually (which need not detain us here). For the first time they contacted Shahshuja and the Afghan officers in Peshawar in February of 1809. A.D.

This first meeting was at a time when the struggle between the Sadozai princes brought Shah Mahmud to Kabul from Kandahar, and Shahshuja, after his defeat at Nimla, in place of ascending the throne of Kabul retreated to the land of India, and after many tribulations and trials of life, at last took his abode at Ludhiana in north India.

In Afghanistan itself the plans of Mahmud the Sadozai and his minister Vazir Fateh Khan Barakzai, and other Royal elements produced complications, which ultimately brought Amir Dost Mohamed Khan to the throne, who was the youngest of the sons of Sirdar Payunda Khan, the Barakzai. Amir Dost Mohamed Khan who had an excellent plan for the unity of the realm, resolved to make a pact regarding Herat, against Russian and Persian disigus, with the English. He clearly mentioned to Alexander Burnes that he was not inclined towards the English in regards to the Russian promises. Just at that time Lord Auckland arrived in Simla as the Viceroy and in opposition to the clear call of Amir Dost Mohamed Khan he paid no heed to his proposal and saw the things in quite a different light than perceived by the Amir. Maud Dyer , the authoress of a book entitled "From Kabul to Kandahar" styles Lord Auckland as the "Very Careful" person. She writes : . . . . . All things demanded, but he did not promise anything, and as Amir Dost Mohamed Khan was not ready that he could give ear to such indefinite promises . . . .

This Viceroy with his wisdom and foresight, who had been adjudged correctly by one of his own countrywomen, plunged the Sindh forces into Afghanistan against a king who offered co-operation to the English. The result of those aggressive movements was just that which the English authoress herself manifests in her writings ; that is to say that as an unjust resolution and decision, the best interests of the English themselves received a check, so


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that their important men were killed, their army was destroyed,
Shahshuja was thrown out, and the prestige of the British was cast
to the dust and disgrace, and those who had driven Amir Dost
Mohamed Khan from his country, had to bring him back to his
throne with the same grandeur and honour as before and to place
him on the throne of Afghanistan. Furthermore, that pact which
had been projected in 1837. A. D. was once again revived in 1855,
A.D. and 1857. A.D. During the years when the Russians found a
footing in Central Asia and came nearer the northern borders of
Afghanistan, the English made their position stronger in the
Punjab. John Lawrence, the governor of the Punjab, the advocate
of the Back to the Indus Policy, who considered the natural boundry
to be the Indus river returned to India as a Viceroy. Between
these two there was an affinity of thought. In the like manner Lord
Mayo too agreed with the Amir, but with the appointment of Lord
Northbrook as a Viceroy (who belonged to the Forward Policy )-
whatever effort was Amir Shair Ali Khan made regarding an agree-
ment with the English against the Russians, no attention was paid
to his proposals, even the promise to give help in case of Russian
aggressive was not given. Amir Shair Ali Khan's desire to offi-
cially acknowledge Sirdar Abdullah Khan as heir was also opposed
and due to a regrettable lack of appreciation of the opportunity
on the part of the Viceroy and his English statesment the Amir of
Afghanistan was compelled to turn his face away from the English
and to incline himself towards the Russians. The Russian represen-
tative at Kabul had, therefore, to be received by the king of Afghanis-
tan. This favourable attitude of the Afghan king towards the Rus-
sians,quite naturally displeased the English,and made them realise their
own mistakes, and they began to have doubts about the Afghan
monarch. After that Silya Sabri and Lytton occupied the
viceroyalty of India respectively and arrived at Simla. Lord
Lytton had come with instructions from England saying that
at whatever cost possible, he was to win back the king of the Afghans
and his rightful heir, and to fall in with their views. But once again
the matter slipped out of their hands, for the Afghan King of such
enlightment and a man of such stout purpose, could not over throw all
his engagements with the Russians, and to expel the Russian represen-
tative from Kabul and to receive the English Agent in his stead. This


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brought the aggression of the English to the land of the Afghans. Once
again the rightful king of Afghanistan had to renounce his throne and
his kingdom, and once again the heros of Afghanistan, fighting from
the foothills of Asmai and Shair Darwaza at Kabul and from the
plains of Maiwand gave a stern reply to the aggression of the invaders
who had no perception of their lost opportunities.

But the losses it caused to our country are positive facts. Just
decisions would incontrovertibly prove that the English themselves
threw over board the chances they were given at a most critical
period of time with their own hands. Opportunities which they them-
selves had sought they diliberately threw away and with their hands
weakened the country and the land the strengthening of which was
in their own interests a point of their own policy, and lay within
the ambit of their own general line of statesmenship.


انجمن تاریخ افغانستان
Société des Etudes Historiques d'Afghanistan

Government Printing House