[BLANK PAGE]


PROGRESSIVE
AFGHANISTAN

MOHAMMAD ALI


H. M. King Mohd Nadir Shah.


PROGRESSIVE AFGHANISTAN


PROGRESSIVE
AFGHANISTAN

BY

MOHAMMAD ALI, M.A.
Professor of History,
Habibia College, Kabul

(All Rights Reserved)

1933

PRINTED BY
PUNJAB EDUCATIONAL ELECTRIC PRESS
LAHORE


H. M. King Mohd Nadir Shah


PREFACE
قلت There is no dearth of literature on the
recent revolution and subsequent changes in
Afghanistan. The publication of this book
might, therefore, seem superfluous. But I
believe the demand for a book containing
facts as witnessed by a disinterested party
has not yet been met. To the outside world
the revolution might appear merely as an
تعصب outburst of Afghan fanaticism and lust for
war and the result of Afghan conservatism
resisting Western conceptions of culture and
advancement. But a careful study of the
history of the past few years shows without
doubt that the revolution was the natural
outcome of a deep-rooted discontent born of
maladministration and corruption.

My object in writing this book is to show
how the famished and bankrupt Afghan nation
was rescued from utter ruin and annihilation فنا تباهی
and brought once more on to the path of
progress. Incidently, I have also made
mention of the innumerable sacrifices made
by His Majesty King Mohammad Nadir Shah

v


vi

and his brothers in achieving this end. This
was necessary, for it is by their labours that
the exhausted and war-weary tribes of
Afghanistan have been transformed within a
surprisingly short period into a living and
powerful nation.

A cursory glance at the present condition
of Afghanistan suffices to show that the
country has not only recovered from the
severe set-back sustained by internecine war;
but is also advancing rapidly in social and
economic spheres. Never before has the
country been so justly and efficiently governed.
Embezzlement and bribery, so common before
among officials of all ranks, are now seldom
heard of. The people are happy and con-
tented. After several years of stress and
strain they are now able to enjoy perfect
peace and to look forward to a bright future.

It is not my purpose to vindicate any
party. My object is merely to state the facts
which, however, are so refreshing that a
mere recital of them, without comments,
would be a source of no small satisfaction to
the well-wishers of the country. So quickly
have the damages been repaired that one who


vii

had witnessed the state of things during 1928 and 1929 would hardly believe that such a great measure of progress was possible in the brief interval. He will find that a new Afghanistan has risen from the ashes of the revolution. It has a Government which is animated by high ideals; it is ruled by a constitutional مشروطه monarch who is at once an experienced soldier and a great statesman, and it holds out the promise of great development and prosperity.

MOHAMMAD ALI

Kabul, July 1st, 1933


CONTENTS
Chapter Page
PREFACE ... ... ...v—vii
I. CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION ... 1
II. THE REVOLUTION ... ... 15
III. BACHA ADVANCES ... ... 27
IV. THE REIGN OF TERROR ... 41
V. ALI AHMAD JAN IN THE EAST ... 51
VI. KANDAHAR ... ... 59
VII. GLIMPSES OF HOPE ... ... 71
VIII. THE JOURNEY ... ... 79
IX. DIFFICULTIES ... ... 95
X. LINE OF ACTION ... ... 103
XI. PREPARATIONS—I ... ... 113
XII. PREPARATIONS—II ... ... 121
XIII. PREPARATIONS—III ... ... 133
XIV. THE FALL OF KABUL ... ... 147
XV. RECONSTRUCTION ... ... 167
INDEX ... ... 227—232

ix


ILLUSTRATIONS

H. M. KING MOHD. NADIR SHAH... frontispiece
EX-KING AMANULLAH KHAN ... facing p. 6
SARDAR INAYATULLAH KHAN ... ,, 7
BACHAE SAQAO ... ... ,, 20
THE BACHA AND HIS COURTIERS ,, 21
THE BACHA AND HIS BROTHER ... ,, 50
THE LATE WALI ALI AHMAD JAN ,, 51
H. M. KING MOHD. NADIR SHAH
AND HIS BROTHERS ... ,, 72
THE PILLAR OF INDEPENDENCE,
KABUL ... ,, 76
AFTER THE VICTORY AT THAL ... ,, 77
MARSHAL MOHD. NADIR KHAN AT
BOMBAY ... ... ,, 80
SARDAR SHAH WALI KHAN AND
SARDAR SHAH MOHMUD KHAN
IN THE SOUTH ... ... ,, 81
MAP SHOWING THE LINE OF
ACTION OF H. M. KING MOHD.
NADIR SHAH FROM KHOST TO
KABUL ... ... ,, 102
H. M. KING MOHD. NADIR SHAH
WITH H. R. H. PRINCE MOHD.
ZAHIR KHAN ... ... ,, 146

xi


xii

RECEPTION OF MARSHAL MOHD.
NADIR KHAN IN KABUL ... facing p. 162
THE MARSHAL IN THE SALAM
KHANA, KABUL ... ... ,, 163
OPENING CEREMONY OF THE
NIJAT-I-WATAN CELEBRATIONS,
1932 ... ... ... ,, 166
AFGHAN ARTILLERY ... ,, 167
HOCKEY MATCH, MILITARY CLUB
v. BRITISH LEGATION, INDE-
PENDENCE DAY, 1932 ... ,, 170
HOCKEY WINNERS,INDEPENDENCE
DAY CELEBRATIONS, 1932 ... ,, 171
AN AFGHAN REGIMENT ... ,, 174
A MILITARY REVIEW BY H. M.
KING MOHD NADIR SHAH ... ,, 175
THE MINISTRY OF DEFENCE, NEW
BUILDING ... ... ,, 178
FAWAID-I-AMA (P.W.D.) MINISTRY,
KABUL ... ... ,, 179
AN AFGHAN LANCER ... ,, 182
AN AFGHAN SOLDIER ... ,, 183
AFGAN STUDENTS IN TURKEY ... ,, 186
MEDICAL COLLEGE STUDENTS
WITH THEIR PRINCIPAL IN THE
CENTRE ... ... ,, 187


xiii

MEMBERS OF THE AFGHAN PAR-
LIAMENT, 1932 ... ... facing p. 190
HIS MAJESTY'S GUARD OF HONOUR,
WITH THE COMMANDANT SAR-
DAR ASADULLAH KHAN IN THE
CENTRE ... ... ,, 191
MILITARY CADETS, 1933 ... ,, 194
H. M. KING MOHD. NADIR SHAH
AT THE NEW MILITARY COLLEGE
CONSTRUCTIONS, BALA HISAR,
KABUL ... ... ,, 195
A PORTION OF THE NEW BAZAAR ,, 198
DARRAH-I-SHIKARI ROAD ... ,, 199
FOOTBALL WINNERS, INDEPEND-
ENCE DAY CELEBRATIONS, 1932 ,, 202
BOY SCOUTS, 1933 ... ... ,, 203
THE REFIQI SANATORIUM (1933) ,, 206
THE ORPHANAGE ... ... ,, 207
THE ARTS SCHOOL, KABUL ... ,, 210
HURDLES RACE, INDEPENDENCE
DAY, 1932 ... ... ,, 211
READY FOR GYMNASTICS, INDE-
PENDENCE DAY CELEBRATIONS,
1932 ... ... ,, 214
GYMNASTICS, INDEPENDENCE DAY
CELEBRATIONS, 1932 ... ,, 215
THE SARACHA BRIDGE, JALALABAD ,, 218


xiv

THE SURKHAB DAM, LOGAR ... facing p. 219
THE NEW CUSTOMS HOUSE, KABUL  ” 222
THE DAIRY FARM, ALIABAD ...  ” 223
THE MILITARY CLUB, WITH THE
NEW CANTONMENT IN THE
BACKGROUND ... ... ” 224
THE CANTONMENT MOSQUE ...  ” 225
THE KARGHAH DAM, NEAR KABUL  ” 226
THE KHARWAR DAM... ... ” 227


CHAPTER I
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION
No book on modern Afghanistan can afford to ignore the recent revolution (1928-1929), when a notorious مشهور thief and robber, by a combination of circumstances, became the ruler of this land of the brave and warlike Afghans. It seems, therefore, only appropriate مناسب to begin our story with a resume خلاصه of the causes which made that revolution possible. It was in February 1919, that His Majesty Ameer Habib Ullah Khan was assassinated near Jalalabad, the winter head-quarters of the Ameer, about hundred miles east of Kabul. At his death, his younger brother, Sardar Nasar Ullah Khan was proclaimed King and was generally accepted by the people as their ruler. Prince Amanullah Khan, the third son of Ameer Habib Ullah Khan, was at the time regent نایب السلطنه in Kabul. Young and ambitious as he was, he took advantage of the opportunity to realize his long-cherished dreams. The army in those days was ill-fed, badly clothed and poorly
1


paid. He began by making large promises
of higher salaries and special rewards, and
had no difficulty in winning over the simple
minded soldiers. With the help of the army,
he easily ousted his uncle as well as his
elder brothers. But once he was firmly
established on the throne, and people from
all parts had sent him allegiance and
accepted him as their King, he forgot all his
promises. This breach of faith, the first
sign of his moral weakness after his accession
to the throne, lowered him greatly in the
eyes of the people.

Years went by without any important
event, though mistrust and discontent were
seething under the surface. Matters were
brought to a head, when in 1924, H. M. King
Amanullah Khan introduced some new
laws, which the people would not accept.
There was a general protest, but the King
persisted in his views and would not rescind
the unpopular laws. Thereupon, the people
of the Southern Province, the most war
like tribes in the whole of Afghanistan, took
up arms. The King could have easily saved
the situation and an amicable settlement

2


could have been peacefully arrived at by calling a Jirgah, i.e. a national assembly. But he was unfortunately too sure of his own strength and misled by many of his inexperienced courtiers decided to punish the rebels and consequently declared war upon them. The present King of Afghanistan, then Marshal Mohammad Nadir Khan, Commander-in-Chief of the Afghan forces, the only man who had fully appraised the strength of the southern tribes and who realized the futility of a campaign against them, protested strongly against the intentions of the Government.

But the King had young blood in his veins. He did not like to be opposed in his actions particularly as some of his courtiers only helped him to have an exaggerated sense of his own importance. The war was, therefore, declared. It was an unwise and rash step and Marshal Nadir Khan resigned in protest. It was not long before the King realized his folly. He could not cope with the situation and was unable to suppress the rising. He lost a large number of his men and would have lost his throne as well but for a piece of sheer good luck which

3


saved him for the time being. When the insurgents reached Chahar-Asyah, about eight miles south of Kabul, they fell out among themselves, and the King's army, seizing the opportunity, fell suddenly upon them, and utterly routed them. But even this victory failed to put an end to the revolt. The King at last realized the absurdity of his action, repealed the offensive laws, and proclaimed a general amnesty. Hardly a month had passed, however, when fifty-two of the leaders, some of whom were men of great learning and influence, were arrested, courtmartialled and shot. To commemorate this victory, the King erected a pillar and called it "The Pillar of Knowledge and Ignorance". The words on the pillar: "In memory of the campaign which was in reality a battle between Knowledge and Ignorance... ........etc." stand there to this day. It was a piece of bad faith ill-becoming a King who boasted of being the head of a constitutional government and claimed to safeguard the rights of the people. The executions were in utter disregard of the promises of amnesty and pardon, and made
4


him justly unpopular, especially with the
southern tribes; people began to feel that
it was not safe to trust the King's word
any longer.
Breach of faith on the part of the
ruler was thus the first cause which fostered بوجود آورد
discontent and ultimately brought about his
downfall. Later, when the revolution was
in progress, and Bacha Saqao had delivered
his attack, the King, seeing that his hopes
of success were small, tried once more to
win the public to his side. In the public
garden of Kabul, he made a speech, pro-
mised once more to take back his unpopular
laws and to grant his people a just constitu-
tion. But it was too late. The audience
had lost their faith in him. There were
some who openly reminded him of his past
promises and of how they had been broken
and refused to help him in any way.
Another cause which spread discontent
among the people and hastened the revolu-
بی رحمانه tion was the ruthless squandering بباد دادن of public
money to the extent of nearly exhausting
the treasury. In December 1927, King
Amanullah Khan and his queen with a
5


Ex-king Amanullah Khan.


Sardar Inayatullah Khan.


few chosen courtiers went on an extensive
tour in Europe and Western Asia. It was
a very expensive affair, indeed, and could not
be justified in view of the then conditions
prevailing in the country and the exhausted
condition of the treasury. It is estimated
that this tour cost no less than £ 1,000,000.
To the outside world this may not
appear extraordinary, but to one who
is familiar with the meagre resources of
Afghanistan, so backward in commercial and
industrial organization, the expenditure of
this large sum cannot but be a matter of
indignant surprise. Well-wishers of the
country, who were alive to the needs of the
situation, protested strongly against the pro-
posed tour, but the strong-headed King,
although professing great enthusiasm for
national welfare, preferred his personal enjoy-
ment to public considerations, and paid no
heed. One can easily understand why the
best brains of the country did not form
part of the King's entourage on his European
trip.

On his return from Europe, people
thought that he would inaugurate an era of

6


از بیداد

reforms by removing the evils of corruption
and maladministration, which had harassed
the people for such a long time. They
vainly hoped that he would increase the
financial resources of the nation by
improving agriculture, working up mines, in
which the country was very rich, and
introducing useful industries. But they were
soon disillusioned. The so-called programme
of "reforms", when it was finally launched,
concerned itself mainly with the adoption of
European dress and manners without taking
into account the fact that the high standard
of living, which was aimed at, had been
achieved in Europe after decades of industrial
and commercial development. The pres-
cribed standards required money, but nothing
was done to provide the nation with the
means of obtaining it. The people, there-
fore, found it impossible to co-operate; and
when at last force was resorted to, the
situation went from bad to worse. A direct
result of these reforms, which included the
removal of purdah (veil), was increase in
corruption and bribery. An average govern-
ment employee whose monthly pay was not

7


more than Rs. 50 (about 30 shillings) was
obliged to provide himself, his wife and
children with European clothes. Not being
able to obtain these by fair means, he was
compelled to have recourse to foul ones.
Bribery, theft and embezzlement became
common among government employees to
the misery of the people whose sufferings
increased daily with the introduction of the
"reforms". Strange orders were passed to
herald the new era. Common artisans,
bakers, cooks, fuel-sellers and drivers of
camels and donkeys were obliged to wear
European dress and disobedience was dealt
with severely. The police was ordered to
fine or else to chastise and even turn out
of the public gardens and the city those
who failed to comply with the new dress
laws.

Instances were not wanting when a
man or a woman, passing through the city
in non-European dress, was prosecuted by
the police several times and on each occasion
had to pay a fine. In one case a man paid
thirty such fines in the course of a single
day. As a result of this high-handedness

8


many people left the city for other parts
of the country and some even bade good-bye
to their motherland.

Maladministration consequent upon these
"reforms" was another important factor
in bringing about the revolution. Corrup-
افراط tion was rampant in all departments, civil
as well as military. Most of the officials were
inexperienced, incompetent and self-conceited
پشتو? and had secured their jobs by favouritism
قوم خویشی bribery or nepotism. Higher officials, appeased آرام كيشته
by suitable bribes and presents, remained deaf
to all complaints of oppression and connived
at the misappropriation of public money.
Government jobs were for sale and could
be secured by the highest bidder irrespec-
tive of qualifications. The money paid
and the post secured, the powers it con-
چسپ لاوم? ferred upon the incumbent were limitless
and he was free to extract money from
the people in any way he pleased. Posts of
all sorts were sold openly and nobody was
ashamed or afraid of receiving or offering
bribes-the highest officials of the King and
even of the Queen not excepted. The result
of this maladministration was wide-spread

9


discontent among the people who were only too willing to throw off the unbearable yoke when opportunity presented itself. Their repeated remonstrances and complaints had no effect, because all the high posts were held by corrupt and incompetent favourites and flatterers of the King, whose sole concern was to ensure their own position by humouring him, and pampering [خوش گذراندن] to his fanciful ideas. Indeed, during the whole reign of King Amanullah Khan not a single instance is known of a high official having been tried or punished for any public offence, although it is a well-known fact that many of them were secretly in league with notorious robbers and thieves and shared their plunder. Officials who offered honest advice, although they had long and honourable service to their credit, were obliged to resign which increased the scope for the malpractices of worthless and greedy courtiers who were left in power.
Afghanistan is, on the whole, an agricultural country and the principal source of government revenue is the land tax. The prosperity of the country, therefore, depends to a large extent on the welfare of the
10


peasantry. Increased taxation necessitated
by the European tour and other expensive
schemes meant increased hardship for this
class, which constitutes the major part of the
population and which gained nothing by the
enhanced revenues. In consequence, the
peasants were in a sad plight. Straved, over
worked, ill-clothed, they became full of hatred
towards their oppressors till only a spark was
needed to cause an explosion.
The condition of the army was worse still.
They were ill-kept and ill-fed. Under the
laws of conscription every Afghan was required
to serve the army for two years. But in
practice the rule applied to the poor only ;
the rich could easily bribe the officials and
stay at home. The sanitary arrangements of
the cantonments were very bad. The
soldiers were paid only Rs. 4 a month,
with which to maintain themselves, and in
most cases their families as well. Some of
these wretched people were obliged to get
leave from their officers and to engage in some
private work with which to eke out their
meagre allowance. Others deserted the army
but since their salaries continued to be drawn

11


and went into the pockets of officers, nobody
cared to bring the offenders to book. Thus
when the time came for active service, not
even one-tenth of the enrolled strength could
be mustered; nor was this small percentage
quite willing to fight on the side of its
oppressors.
فرار از نظام - بغاوت
The fact that so many cases of desertion
escaped detection shows that the Intelligence
Department, if it existed, was no more than
a name. Even when Bacha Saqao and his
men were only a few miles from Kabul, the
King lay secure in the Arg (royal palace)
fully assured that there was absolutely no
disturbance in the country.

In the Grand Assembly of 1928 held at
Paghman when the King put forth his new
programme, some of its clauses met with
opposition. The King, however, solemnly
با وفاماندن promised to abide by the decision of the august
محترم body and delete the disapproved items.
But within a month the promise was broken
and members of the assembly, greatly annoy-
ed, left the capital in disgust. No sooner had
they reached their homes than signs of dis-
content and unrest began to show all over

12


the country. There were small risings in
several quarters, and the King being either mis-
informed, or proud of his power and influence,
paid no heed to them, till the disturbances
took the form of a revolution. The King was
not strong enough to meet the crisis. He
could not realize the strength of the forces
arrayed against him, nor could he devise
means to cope with them successfully. On
the other hand, contrary to all Afghan tradi-
tions, he shirked the issue, and by his lack of
courage lost all chances of winning support
and possibly, success. He abdicated in
favour of his elder brother, Sardar Inayat-
ullah Khan, and secretly ran away to
Kandahar, leaving the nation an easy prey to
the brigands of the north.

Lastly, the poor estimate in which he
held the religious feelings of his subjects was
an important factor in bringing about his
downfall and precipitating the catastrophe.
Rumours were rife that the King had renounc-
ed Islam. No efforts were made to contra-
dict such false rumours. On the other hand,
the careless ways of the King, his attempt to
ride rough shod over centuries-old traditions,

13


and his ridicule of the religious minded, lent
support to public suspicion. Nor did the
facts that the water-supply of some mosques
was cut off, their electric light was discon-
nected, and some religious places were allowed
بر باد رفته to fall into a state of dilapidation, help
تخفیف دادن to allay the rumours. Some stupid officials
publicly declared that Qoranic laws had
become obsolete and were no longer suited
to modern conditions. Such acts helped to
stir the smouldering fire of public indigna-
tion into a general conflagration until it
assumed the dreadful form of a religious war,
not so much a rebellion against a king, as a
Jehad against an infidel.

14


CHAPTER II

THE REVOLUTION

The wide-spread discontent, which had
found vent for a time in whispers and
quiet remonstrances, broke out at last into اعتراضها
open rebellion in one of the remotest parts دورترین
of the country. The Shinwaris, a strong
and war-like tribe, well-armed and sufficiently
disciplined, who live on the eastern border
of Afghanistan near the mouth of the
Khyber Pass, were the first to rise, in order,
as they professed, to end the unpopular
regime of King Amanullah Khan. They
began by attacking the Government mili-
tary posts of Achin and Kai on November
14, 1928. The soldiers who had many
شکایتها grievances were demoralized and offered but
بی جرئت feeble resistance. Their officers, who were
unaware of the wide-spread ill-feeling, were
taken by surprise, and were soon overpowered.
The soldiers were disarmed, the officers
imprisoned, and large quantities of ammuni-
tion, which stood them in good stead, fell
into the hands of the rebels. Then they

15


plundered the Government offices and set
the buildings on fire. Other discontented
tribes emboldened تحریص و تشجیع by their success joined
hands with them and their numbers swelled.
More outbreaks occurred in other quarters.
Members of the Grand Assembly and men
of religion were not slow to take advantage
of the situation to avenge the indignities
they had suffered at the hands of the King
and his corrupt courtiers. Exaggerated
stories of the King's extravagance, his self-
willedness and his trespasses تجاوز، تخطی نموده against the
laws of Islam were circulated all around.
The result was that within a very short
time, King Amanullah Khan lost all the
military posts of the Eastern Province.
Torkham and Dakka, the Afghan custom
posts near the Khyber Pass, were plundered
and the soldiers there disarmed. Not satis-
fied with this and realizing the weakness
of local officers and the ignorance of the
Central Government, the rebels advanced
boldly upon Jalalabad, which they easily
besieged. After plundering the Government
offices outside the city walls and burning
down most of them, they encompassed the

16 احاطه کردن


city and the cantonment and cut the
telephone and telegraph lines, so that the
Central Government could communicate
with the city only by means of aeroplanes.
The Peshawar-Kabul Road was blocked and
infested with robbers. It was only then
that Amanullah Khan realized the dangerous
character of the revolt. But he committed
another blunder, this time of a very serious
nature. Instead of putting a strong force
in the field under experienced commanders,
he was content with sending small detach-
ments under inexperienced courtiers, who had
never seen a field of battle before and were
utterly ignorant of military tactics. One
of these favourites, Mahmud Khan Yawar,
was sent to the relief of the Jalalabad garri-
son. It was his first experience of a soldier's
life. He marched as far as Nimla, twenty
miles west of Jalalabad, and halted. Numer-
ous messages came from Jalalabad, asking
him to march immediately to their help,
but he did not stir; such was the lack of
co-operation between the various officers of
Amanullah Khan. The rebels, on the other
hand, although of different tribes, were better
organized, had superior discipline and their

17 B


sources of information were more numerous and reliable. They knew when and where to strike and were well aware of the military incapacity of Mahmud Khan. A handful of Khogianis surrounded him and after a brief struggle took him prisoner. His soldiers were disarmed and sent away. Most of them had been recruited from the Northern Province, the home of Bacha. When they returned to their homes, they related exaggerated tales of the weakness of the King's army and the strength of the rebels.

The news of the fall of Nimla and the capture of Mahmud Khan was a great shock to the besieged garrison at Jalalabad. The army was disheartened and a spirit of desertion began to spread both among the royal troops and the levies. عساکر اجیر The deserters, instead of seeking safety in flight or concealment, ran away with their rifles and either joined the rebels or infested the highways. The levies followed suit, most of them joining the Shinwaris. Sher Ahmad Khan, the commander of the Jalalabad garrison, finding himself entirely cut off from the Central Government, tried his best to

18


come to reasonable terms with the rebels, by inviting them to a Jirgah. Mohammad Alam Khan, the Shinwari leader, was approached and consented to a parley. کنفرانس یا مذاکره Truce having been made, there was a lull in the fighting and at one time it seemed probable that the trouble would soon be over, and that Sher Ahmad Khan by his diplomacy and lavish promises of rewards would succeed in winning over the tribes and settling the matter amicably. Unfortunately, the recent behaviour of the King and his perfidious خاین در باری courtiers had produced such strong resent- کینه ment among the tribesmen that Sher Ahmad Khan, in spite of his very sincere efforts, failed to arrive at a suitable settlement. The first demand of the rebels was that the King should abdicate immediately, for they said they could no longer tolerate his misrule and his treachery. Their second demand was the permanent expulsion of Tarzi's family from Afghanistan, who in their opinion, were the real origin of the new laws and the so-called reforms. Sher Ahmad Khan was obviously not in a position to agree to these demands and informed the King of his failure. It was then decided to

19


مطبعه عمومی کابل
Bachae saqao.


مطبعه عمومی کابل

The Bacha and his courtiers.


send Ali Ahmad Jan, the Governor of Kabul,
to cope with this critical situation. It was
generally believed that as he had great
influence in that part of the country he would
be able to tide over the difficulty. Affairs in
the east were at this pass when a new and
more serious rising broke out in the Northern
Province, a few miles to the north of Kabul.
This rising developed very quickly and
ultimately proved the death-knell of Aman-
ullah Khan's regime.

Bacha Saqao.—Habibullah, better known
by his nickname of Bacha Saqao, for he was
the son of a water-carrier, was a native of
Kalakan, a village situated at a distance of
some twenty miles from the capital. He had
had his training as a soldier in an Afghan
regiment called Qita-i-Namuna, but his mis-
chievous proclivities soon obliged him to seek
refuge in exile. He went away to Peshawar and
thence to Parachinar. Even there he could not
lead a peaceful life. He was several times
fined and imprisoned. Physically he was a
stout square-built man, of exceptional strength
and courage, which was so well-known that
in a case of theft, when a large iron safe was

20


stolen near Parachinar, he was easily traced
as the thief, because it was thought that none
other than Bacha could have removed the
safe. When this man learnt of the general
discontent of the people against the Govern-
ment, he thought the opportunity was too
good to be lost. Accordingly, he went back
to his village and gathered a number of
notorious bandits around him. Taking
advantage of the ignorance and the spirit of
treachery prevailing among Government
officials, he infested the roads, plundered
caravans and robbed wealthy merchants, some
of whom he took away with himself to
the hills and held to ransom. در بد خون بها Government
officials were indifferent spectators of the
drama; some of them had a share in the
plunder; others, from want of experience, were
incapable of realizing the danger of the situa-
tion or dealing with it in a satisfactory manner.
سطحی The lip-loyal courtiers deceived the King even
این موقع at this juncture. They kept him in ignorance
of the true state of affairs and minimized the
danger. Some of them were secretly in
league with Bacha and helped him with arms
and money. They advised the King to send
only small detachments of troops which were

21


taken by surprise and easily overpowered. These defeats clearly demonstrated the weakness of the army and the treachery at the court, and were of great encouragement to Bacha and his partisans. Their numbers increased daily. Robbers from all parts of the country gathered around him. Government offices and treasuries were plundered in broad daylight. Military posts were stormed and captured ; the officers were put to the sword, and the soldiers either enlisted in his infamous band or were disarmed. This gave the men of religion the opportunity they had been seeking for long, of avenging themselves on the King, who had so long insulted their religion, trampled upon their susceptibilities, and had refused to listen to their grievances. In Bacha they found a man whom they could use for their own purposes. They declared him to be a Ghazi, a defender of the faith, and went from place to place inciting the people to rally round his standard. A large number of people now gathered round him, some to have a share in the loot, others to get rid of an unsympathetic Government under which they had been groaning for a long time. The secret help of

22


those courtiers who had turned traitors, and lack of experience and sheer incapacity on the part of others went a long way to strengthen Bacha's position. Raids now gave way to pitched battles in which the royal forces met with crushing defeats. Thenceforward Bacha treated the prisoners of war with kindness.

The condition of the city of Kabul at this time may well be imagined. The news of the fall of Nimla, blockade of the trade routes and repeated reverses of royal troops in the north greatly upset the people. Prices of food-stuffs and other necessities of life were daily rising and added greatly to the miseries of the inhabitants. Exaggerated stories were told of the strength of the rebels and of their victories. Like vultures gathering over a carcase, people came from all parts of the country to secure their share of the plunder; and the presence of these undesirable elements was a source of constant terror to the citizens.

Finding that he could not crush the insurrection, the King thought of playing off one enemy against another. He opened negotiations for peace with Bacha and his adherents, and promised them handsome

23


rewards and high posts. Bacha was offered a Brigadier-Generalship and was asked to proceed with men of his own selection to Jalalabad to fight against the Shinwaris. The trick was too apparent and could not deceive Bacha who interpreted it correctly as an admission of weakness. It was a gross blunder and Bacha utilized it to his fullest advantage. Now that he had the authority of a royal warrant at his back and was a full-fledged Brigadier, he organized a large army and equipped it at government expense. Having thus strengthened his hands, he at once changed his policy, declared himself King and proceeded to attack Kabul. Some are of opinion that King Amanullah Khan intended to break his promise and take Bacha prisoner, but the latter having learnt of the King's true intentions by an uncommon act of cleverness adopted the course indicated above. The story goes that after concluding the agreement with Amanullah Khan and with a view to testing the latter's sincerity, he phoned to Amanullah Khan as from Ahmad Ali, Rais Tanzimia, the organizing commander of the Northern Province, and asked for the King's instructions concerning Bacha and his men,

24


who, he said, were in his grip. Amanullah
Khan in reply ordered him to take all of
them prisoners and send them to the capital
under a strong escort. How far this story
is true, it is not possible to say at the present
moment, but this much is certain that soon
after the treaty had been concluded, Bacha
enrolled a large number of men in his troops
and declared himself King. He ordered Sayed
Hussain, one of his colleagues, to proceed
towards Jabl-us-Siraj, a strong military
station at the foot of the Hindu Kush, about
fifty miles to the north of Kabul, while he
himself marched on the capital.

25


[BLANK PAGE]


CHAPTER III
BACHA ADVANCES

After the truce with Bacha Saqao had
been made and its terms published in local
newspapers and official pamphlets, the civil
population of Kabul breathed freely for a
while and every one thought that the city was
تاريك ومحزن now safe. Although dismal news from the
eastern front found their way into the city
now and then, and disturbed the peace of the
people in no small measure, the situation
was generally regarded as being within con-
trol. Ali Ahmad Jan, an experienced gene-
ral, was already in the Eastern Province,
and Bacha with his band of robbers would
soon be on his way to assist him. With the
northern question thus settled, it was hoped
and with reason that the rebels in the east
ترسانده would be overawed and speedy settlement
would follow. Besides, the people thought
that even if Ali Ahmad Jan failed in his
negotiations with the rebels, the capital was
not in any imminent danger. The home of
the rebels was a long way off, Kabul
being in the grip of a severe winter and the

27


Shinwaris and other Eastern tribes, accustomed as they were to a milder climate, would not dare to make an advance upon the capital.
But the lull broke in a few days. On December 13, at about 4 in the evening, the citizens of Kabul were suddenly alarmed to hear sounds of rapid firing not far from the city. People were seen running about in different directions whispering that Bacha had come. Shops were closed at once and the terror-stricken citizens shut themselves up in their houses. None could say what the invasion meant. Bacha had entered into a solemn agreement; he and his adherents had been granted general amnesty for their past behaviour; they were no longer robbers and cut-throats, but loyal subjects of the King and their leader was a Brigadier-General of the royal army. How could they make an attack on the city after all that? It must be some other robber band who, aware of the impotency of the Central Government, wanted to have a share in the booty and, like Saqao, would be paid handsomely. But all conjectures were set at rest when it became definitely known that Saqao and his men had declared a Jehad against the King, and
28

غنائم وغنم
حدس وگمانی


assisted by the nobles and Mullahs of the
Northern Province, were now on their way
to Kabul, having already reached Shehr Ara,
where the Habibia College was then housed,
about a mile from the Arg.
Bacha, after declaring himself Amir and
Defender of Islam, divided his army into two
parts. One of them was sent to the north
under the command of Sayed Hussain to
capture the fort of Jabl-us-Siraj, as has been
mentioned above, while the other about three
hundred strong, under his personal command
marched straight on Kabul. His plan was
to smuggle his forces into the Arg in the guise
of royal levies and take the King by surprise.
On the way, at Serai Khoja, he easily dis-
armed the government troops, some of whom
were won over to his side by tact and promis-
es of future advancement. He met with
no further opposition and after crossing the
Khairkhana Pass made a dash for Kabul.
This bold step on his part with only
a handful of men at his side shows clearly
that he was fully acquainted with the
weakness and the apathy of the Central
Government, and that some of the courtiers
were secretly in league with him and supplied
29
بی حسی
بی میلی


him with all the necessary intelligence. The
attack on the capital and on the person of
the King and the capture of the public
treasury in broad daylight had been thought
out with such care that nothing but chance
could have thwarted Bacha's plans. He
reached Bagh-i-Bala, a fortified military
hospital about three miles from Kabul, with-
out meeting any resistance. He took posses-
sion of the place without difficulty and
large supplies of ammunition fell into his
hands, as the military magazine was close-
by. It was from there that the War Ministry
received a telephone message for the first
time, conveying the horrible news of Bacha's
arrival. One can easily guess the consterna-
tion and perplexity of the negligent officers
on learning that the enemy was already at
the door, while they were wholly unprepared
to meet him. Abdul Aziz Khan, the War
Minister, was at his wits' end. It was with
great difficulty that he could arrange to send
a few soldiers to check the enemy's advance
and save the Arg from immediate capture.
Distressing news went round the city. Bacha
had by this time reached Shehr Ara.
While he was passing by the Military School

30


a band of eighteen military students
opened fire on the insurgents and kept them
engaged for half an hour. They were,
however, easily overpowered and disarmed;
their number was small and they had run
short of ammunition. But their timely
resistance saved the government from immedi-
ate collapse. But for their gallantry and رشادت
opportune action, the King would have lost
both his kingdom and his life.
Rapid firing on both sides at last roused
the King in his palace, and opened his eyes
to the seriousness of the situation. Some
eighty men of the Royal Guards came out
and made a bold stand against the rebels.
By their courage and skill, they beat the
enemy back after a bloody fight lasting for
about two hours. Bacha and his men were
compelled to retreat and take shelter in the
Habibia College and the adjacent village
of Kalola Pushtah. The tower of the
Habibia College occupies a commanding posi-
tion and the Royal Guards could not
immediately follow up their advantage. But
an hour later, a few well-aimed cannon shots
from the Arg compelled Bacha to evacuate
the tower and retire. He left the place

31


under cover of the night and joined his men in Kalola Pushtah, whence they retired to Bagh-i-Bala. Nobody in the city slept that night. The foreigners had already sought shelter in their respective legations.
Day dawned and fighting was resumed. Offices, schools, colleges and shops remained closed. There was no traffic and trade was at a standstill. Prices shot up, adding greatly to the distress of the poor. The danger to the city was increasing hourly. The gates of the Arg were closed, stores of provisions and other necessities were taken in and a sort of a siege commenced. There was no strong army to put into the field; the Royal Guards were not sufficient even for the defence of the Arg and none of them could be spared for an action with Bacha. The other soldiers had no experience of active warfare and were little inclined to fight for those whom they looked upon as their oppressors.
ایمان عقیده Even when matters had proceeded so far, the traitorous courtiers remained true to their creed. They misinformed the King as to the strength of the invaders and continued to soothe him with their flattery, telling him that there was really nothing to be anxious
32


about. The few misguided rebels who had
been foolish enough to attack the city, they
said, would soon have cause to regret their
folly. But the King had by now fully realized
the unwisdom of his past actions and was
sorry for having dismissed those straight-
forward and trustworthy officers who alone
could have been relied upon in his hour of
need. He sent messages of distress to all
parts of the country, calling for levies.
People in large numbers hurried to the
capital in the hope of receiving ample
rewards in case of success and a goodly share
of plunder in case of defeat and collapse of
the Government. The city was choked with
these unwelcome guests from different clans,
and the citizens were greatly harassed.

The royal magazines were thrown open;
arms and ammunition were freely distributed
among the new-comers and those who offered
their services. Everybody who could approach
the government officers was favoured with
a rifle and a few rounds of cartridges.
When the news of this lavish and indiscrimi-
nate distribution of arms and ammunition
spread far and wide, large numbers of people
flocked to the city. Taking advantage of this

33

C


occasion, some of Bacha's sympathizers
appeared in disguise and were supplied with
ammunition and arms from the royal maga
zines.

مخزن اسلحه دربار است

Most of the new-comers returned home
with their newly-acquired rifles, others infested
the roads ; some roamed about in the city in
the hope of finding an opportunity to loot
some wealthy merchants, while not a few joined
hands with the rebels. Ghaus-ud-Din, chief
of the Ahmadzais, a warlike Ghilzai tribe of
the Southern Province, received a large
number of rifles on promise of faithful service,
but deserted the royal camp soon after
and went back to his village. In the city
there was a universal feeling of hatred
towards the King and his government, which
was responsible for this unrest and internecine
warfare. The King was well aware of the
general hatred and dared not come out of
his castle or show himself in public. The
fighting went on for some days without easing
the situation. The rebels had taken up their
position in Bagh-i-Bala, in Nau Burjah, a
strong mud fortress of nine towers, next door
to the British Legation and at Kafir Koh, a
high hill of great strategical importance. The

بالسده

34


royal forces and the levies formed a semi-
circle stretching from Kafir Koh to the
Wazirabad plain near the aerodrome. A
careful observer could easily see that Bacha's
men fought with spirit and enthusiasm; they
were better disciplined and better equip-
ped. On the other hand, there was no co-
operation between the royal forces and the
levies and cases are known of some soldiers
having been shot down by the latter. The
Government was so incompetent that even at
a time of such imminent peril, it could not
provide the men with sufficient food and
ammunition; some of them had to quit their
posts and come back to the city to fetch
their own provisions. Most of the officers
went to the front at 9 or 10 in the morning
and would come back at 4 in the even-
ing as if they were supervising a sham
fight in manœuvres.
Good luck, too, seemed to have deserted
the King.
Aeroplanes caught fire by chance, burn-
ing the pilots to death, armoured cars
overturned or went out of order right in the
field of battle. Sayed Hussain had by this
time captured Jabl-us-Siraj and the hydro-
35


electric power house which supplied electricity to the capital. He cut the line, so that the capital was deprived of its electric light, which added greatly to the distress of the people and made the prospect very gloomy. British aeroplanes flew over at this time of confusion and undertook to remove to Peshawar, at first the ladies and children and later the men of foreign nationalities.

On the fourth day a splinter of shell struck Bacha in the back and injured his backbone, making a deep cut though not a serious one. He fell down from his horse, and this caused a temporary alarm among his men. But he soon came round and controlled the situation as before and the fighting continued. The intensity of feeling against Amanullah Khan's Government can be gauged from the fact that when the news of Bacha's fall from his horse reached Kabul, the citizens, the majority of whom now looked upon him as their hero and the defender of their cause, prayed for his health and speedy recovery.

Amanullah Khan took courage from this accident and did his best to win the public over to his side. After having

36


remained shut in for four days, he came out of the Arg and proceeded to the public gardens on foot. There he delivered a harangue [خطابه بيلفن?] before a large gathering in which he promised them all they wanted, including the repeal of the odious [منفور] laws he had promulgated, [اعلان رسمی] and made an appeal for their co-operation. But it was too late. The situation had gone out of control, and the people would not listen to him any more. Some went so far as to tell him to his face that they could no longer trust his word. Pamphlets promising the rescission of the unpopular laws and the grant of a just constitution proved equally ineffective. On the contrary, they revealed the hollowness of the government and its utter inability to cope with the situation.

In spite of his injury, Bacha did not quit his place and there was no change in the front. On the 24th of December after a sustained battle of twelve days, a handful of soldiers assisted by some tribesmen, who had been offered some thousand rupees for this service, made a dash for Kafir Koh. They met with a stout opposition and much blood was shed, but at last they succeeded in

37


driving out the rebels and managed to occupy
the hill. Having lost that commanding
position, Bacha thought he could not keep
his own, and under cover of night escaped
with his men to join Sayed Hussain, who
was by now absolute master of the Northern
Province.

Coup D'etat.—The royal army was glad
to find the field deserted next morning. No one
suggested or thought of pursuing the enemy
and finally disposing of them. They let
slip the opportunity and Bacha was allowed
sufficient time to prepare himself for a
second attack on Kabul. The government
realized its folly a week later. Aeroplanes
were sent to bomb hostile villages and heavy
Italian guns commenced the bombardment
of the Northern Province from the aero-
drome but with little success. In spite
جانور وحش کننده of disquieting reports, the King yet hoped
to hold his own, till on a foggy night,
Hamid Ullah, Bacha's younger brother,
رخنه شکاف effected a breach in the royal lines and
forced a general retreat. When intelligence
was brought to Amanullah Khan of this
unhappy event, he realized that his days were

38


over. He called a hurried council and abdicated in favour of his elder brother, Inayat Ullah Khan. The words he used on that occasion are memorable: "The welfare of the country" he said, "demands that I should withdraw my hands from public affairs, for all the bloodshed and risings in the country are due to a general hatred of me." Next morning, accompanied by a few favourites he escaped to Kandahar by car, taking with him whatever of gold and precious stones still remained in the public treasury, the bulk having been already conveyed to Kandahar by the aeroplanes that carried the Queen and other ladies of the royal family.

The unfortunate Inayat Ullah Khan, the real heir to his father's throne, whom Amanullah Khan had deprived of his lawful right, was not to enjoy his kingship for long. At about 2 the news of his brother's abdication was made public and by 4 in the evening he found himself nearly besieged by Bacha's forces. A mission of some influential men, including Sardar Mohammad Usman Khan and Hazrat Mohd. Sadiq Khan, a younger brother of the well-

39


known Hazrat-i-Shorbazar, was immediately despatched to inform Bacha of the change in the Government. But Bacha flushed with victory, did not care to surrender the fruits of his triumph. He saw that he was on the eve of realizing what he could not have thought of in his wildest dreams.
تخلیه کردن Inayat Ullah Khan was asked to vacate the Arg, or else to prepare for battle. Negotiations went on for three days, and on the fourth day Inayat Ullah Khan signed an agreement with Bacha acknowledging the latter's kingship and promising to vacate the Arg, provided he was allowed to fly to India in a British plane. Thus, after a reign of only three days and a half, Inayat Ullah Khan, with all the members of his family left for Peshawar in British aeroplanes at about 2 P.M., on January 27, 1928. After a few days' rest at Dean's Hotel, he proceeded to Kandahar to rejoin his brother.

40


CHAPTER IV
THE REIGN OF TERROR

A few minutes after Inayatullah Khan left the capital, Bacha's hordes took possession of the Arg and the Public Treasury. The nobles and the remaining members of the royal family were ordered to vacate at once. At 5 in the evening Bacha himself with a number of his chosen friends entered the royal palace with due ceremony and declared himself the Amir of Afghanistan. The terrified citizens were asked to send in their written allegiance at once. Those who ignored this order were regarded as enemies and were severely dealt with.

The citizens, although they had a few days ago looked upon Bacha as the national hero, were in no way ready to accept a low born notorious character as their king. Their sympathies with him were only due to their extreme hatred for King Amanullah Khan and his regime. Having got rid of him they wanted to see on the throne of Kabul a wise and just king under whose rule and guidance they should be able to rebuild

41


[Handwritten: وان؟]
their battered position and to re-organize their
scattered resources. One can easily guess
their extreme disappointment when they
heard the Saqaoists shouting in the streets
of Kabul: "Long Live Amir Habibullah, the
Servant of Islam."
The Bacha was not slow in forming his
Cabinet, which consisted of the following
members :—
Hamidullah, his younger brother—Moin-
us-Saltanah, Assistant to the Amir.
Sayed Hussain—Naib-us-Saltanah, Min-
ister of War.
[Handwritten: رئيس تشريفات سلطنتى] Sher Jan—Chamberlain. He was by far
the ablest and cleverest of Bacha's
partisans, and it was chiefly due to his
efforts and those of his brothers, Ata-
ul-Haq and Mohammad Siddiq, that
the reign of terror lasted for so many
months.
Ata-ul-Haq—The Minister of Foreign
Affairs.
Abdul Ghafoor—Home Minister.
Malik Mohsin—The Governor of Kabul.
Mirza Mujtaba Khan—The Officiating [Handwritten: كفالت داران]
Minister of Finance.
Of these members of the Cabinet, four,

42


including the Bacha himself, were illiterate
and had no experience of administration what-
soever. But they were invariably assisted by
Sher Jan, the Chamberlain. But for the help
of this man, the Bacha's regime would have
been a very brief one indeed.
During the period of nine months
that this reign lasted unspeakable atrocities
and appalling cruelties were daily per-
petrated, the poor citizens of the capital
providing the chief victims. The Arg was
the seat of this stern and relentless despotism,
which trampled on every principle of law,
justice and humanity, and which derived its
right and power not from God or the people
but from the sword.
Schools and colleges and all the useful
institutions were closed. Libraries, labora-
tories and the royal museum were sacked and
rare books and articles of value were either
destroyed, burnt or sold at ridiculous prices.
For one Kiran (about 3 pence) down, one
could buy as many books as he could carry
on one's shoulders. No man of birth, accom-
plishment or knowledge was suffered near
the person of this tyrant. Of the noblemen
and the scholars those who could find a

43


chance left the capital and took shelter in the
remotest parts of the country, out of the
reach of the Bacha and his colleagues.
Others who could not afford to leave their
families imprisoned themselves within the
four walls of their houses. But even this step
of voluntary confinement was of no avail to
them; they could not escape the wrath of the
tyrant or his officers. They were hunted out
and dragged through the bazaars in the most
ignominious manner and large sums of money
were extorted from them by torture. In some
cases the demand was so exorbitant that the
victim finding no other choice had to pay
with his life. Bands of these marauders
prowling about the city would catch hold of
passers-by and make them pay large sums of
money or on their refusal enter their houses
and take whatever they could lay their hands
upon. Theoretically the Bacha was the head
of the state, but in practice every one of his
officers had unlimited power and was not res-
ponsible to anybody or answerable under any
code of law. Even an ordinary soldier would
call himself mustaqil (i.e. independent) and
could by his own authority shoot any one who
dared to incur his displeasure. But of these

44


merciless marauders no one stands out so pro-
minent in point of cruelty as Malik Mohsin, the
Governor of Kabul. This old rogue (he was
seventy years of age) plumed himself on the
fact that the Bacha himself had once been in
his service as a menial, for Malik Mohsin
was a big landlord in the village of Bacha's
birth. Those who were summoned by him
usually took a last farewell of their family, as
they had no hopes of returning alive. He had
a separate prison of his own where daily a
large number of people were tortured under
his cruel orders.

Wealthy traders were ordered to supply
the Government with huge sums of money,
or in default undergo severe physical tortures.
Prices were abnormally high, trade was almost
at a standstill and nearly all the citizens
were thrown out of employment. Only those
who offered themselves for active service
could get employment, for the Bacha had
the provinces yet to subdue. But even the
higher posts were reserved for robbers and
notorious adventurers, and an honest man
hardly ever rose above the ranks.

Wealthy people, important public servants
and men of influence were the chief

45


victims, for they created suspicion and fear
in the mind of this illiterate tyrant. Dis-
tinction of any kind called for punishment.
Without a witness, without even a show of
trial or an opportunity to defend, a large
number of people fell victim to the insatiable
wrath of this blood-thirsty monarch and
his cruel followers. Suspicion was considered
tantamount to proof and a trial invariably
led to conviction. No one could dare to
argue and no time was allowed for such
purposes.
As the days passed and reports of victory
poured in from everywhere, the Bacha feel-
ing firm and secure ruled with increasing
cruelty and tyranny. After those orgies of
bloodshed, he became quite indifferent to
murder and totally incapable of pity or
remorse. Confiscation of property, exile or
simple death were deemed uncommon
instances of his leniency. Most of the unfor-
tunate victims were either blown up from the
cannon's mouth or shot down; others were
either beaten, bastinadoed, impaled, bayonet-
ted or starved to death. Sprinkling of boiling
oil over the body or putting the victims into
large iron cages or cutting off their hands

46


and even all the joints of their bodies one by one were ordinary daily occurrences. His chief victims were the officials of King Amanullah Khan and wealthy merchants or influential and learned men. The execution of innocent people was secretly bewailed [مخفیانه گریه کردن] by friends and families. No one could dare to express his sympathies openly with the victims or their relatives. Of these innocent victims of tyranny none were more lamented [افسوس خوردن] than Sardar Mohammad Usman Khan, a man of great learning and the Principal of the Arabic College and Sardar Hayatullah Khan and Abdul Majid Jan, two brothers of the ex-King. All three were secretly done away with and their bodies thrown into a ditch. After the reign of Bacha Saqao was ended, the corpses [اجساد] were dug out and buried in the royal cemetery in Bostan Serai.

By such extortions [بزور گرفتن] of money and forfeitures [ضبط اموال] of the estates and properties of the nobles and the wealthy merchants, the Bacha was able to accumulate enough wealth to meet the heavy cost of his large standing army and to win some of the powerful tribal chiefs over to his side.

Realizing that with the mailed fist [قوای مسلح] alone
47


could he maintain his position, the usurper gradually collected a powerful body of soldiers, chiefly recruited from the Northern Province. It was in constant readiness to protect his person, to impress the poor people over whom he ruled, to crush any rebellion at its first signs, and even to carry out his plan of the conquest of the whole of Afghanistan. He showed particular favour to these troops by paying double and treble salaries and by granting them special privileges.

Though every means of injustice and extortion had been adopted in order to fill the treasury, the extravagance of his colleagues proved such a heavy drain that the Bacha was obliged to devise yet newer methods of extracting money. He issued paper currency which nobody would accept; and which the poor shopkeepers were made to honour at the point of the bayonet.

The foul mind of the tyrant was open to every suspicion against those who were most distinguished either by birth or merit. He suspected the students most and regarded them as his secret enemies. Whenever he was frightened at the false news of treason

48


on the part of a student, his cruelty knew no bounds. In one instance a conspiracy against his person was either discovered, imagined or framed. A student, Habibullah Khan by name, was pointed out as the principal author of it. Another, Abdul Rasul Khan, was accused of being his accomplice. شریک جرم Both of them, together with Qari Dost Mohammad, were dragged through the bazaars, taken to the aerodrome and shot.

None could venture to raise his voice against these atrocities. Meetings and large gatherings were strictly prohibited and even those who were found whispering were punished. Thousands of people were under- going severe punishments in the dungeons سیاه چاه and praying for death to end their sufferings. Others had no peace of mind and were in constant dread of being robbed or put to death. Such was the deplorable condition of the unfortunate inhabitants of this land when the victorious army of Marshal Nadir Khan under the leadership of his younger brother, Sardar Shah Wali Khan, entered the capital, bombarded the Arg and after a gallant attack captured it; thus bringing to an end the cruel regime of the Bacha

49
D


The Bachcha and his brother.


The Late Wali Ali Ahmad Jan.


and the miseries of the people. A full account of this victorious march is given in a later chapter.

50


CHAPTER V
ALI AHMAD JAN IN THE EAST
The narrative of the rising in the east after the fall of Nimla is in a great degree the story of the adventures of Wali Ali Ahmad Jan; so great was the part he played in that act of the drama. Ali Ahmad Jan, it will be remembered, was sent out by King Amanullah Khan to use his influence with the eastern tribes and thus quell the rising. This old general had set for himself very lofty ideals even in the early days of Amanullah Khan's reign. Slowly and steadily, he had won great influence in the Eastern Province and it was not surprising that during his stay at Jalalabad, he succeeded in persuading some of the powerful tribes to suspend hostilities and meet in a Jirgah. But Ali Ahmad Jan was not doing his best in this matter. In his heart of hearts, he disliked Amanullah's rule, and he had many personal grievances against the King, who had never treated him well or kindly, although he was the King's cousin and brother-in-law. Several
51


[BLANK PAGE]


promises of rewards, and some were forced to
sign bond of allegiance, yet there were men
like Sayed Ahmad Khan and Mohammad
Gul Khan, the present Home Minister, who
were bold enough to refuse homage [بیعت] and
to argue that this was not the time for
self-approval but for action and that the
first duty of every Afghan at this juncture
was to fight the Bacha, the common enemy
of the nation, and to bring about his
downfall. When this was accomplished
it would then be time to invite represen-
tatives from all parts of the country to a
Grand Assembly and choose their king.
They pointed out that any other course
would perpetuate civil war and ultimately
ruin the whole nation. But Ali Ahmad Jan,
who was too ambitious to listen to reason
or friendly advice, punished and otherwise
disgraced the dissenters, and thus silenced
his opponents.
Having won over in this way a large
number of men to his side, his next
objective was Kabul; for he knew that the
fall of Kabul meant easy success in other
parts of the country. But he wasted a
good deal of time in getting under way,
53


while the interval was used by Bacha in
gathering a large number of men and equip-
ping and organizing them under the instruction
of Mahmud Sami, an experienced general
and military teacher.
Ali Ahmad Jan had very soon to taste
مطلبی the fruits of his procrastination. His forces
at Jagdilak had been chiefly recruited from
the Northern Province, and naturally their
sympathies were with Bacha, and when they
learnt of the latter's success in taking Kabul,
they made up their minds to desert Ali
Ahmad Jan. The news of their resolve came
to Ali Ahmad Jan as a great shock.
Leaving Abdul Wakil Khan as his regent
at Jalalabad, he hastily marched to Jagdilak.
But even there he mostly occupied him-
self in compelling people to accept him as
their King, while all this time Bacha was
strengthening himself and everyday a large
number of men were recruited and straight-
way put under training by him. Bacha
recognized in Ali Ahmad Jan a most formid-
able rival. No doubt Amanullah Khan had
again declared himself King at Kandahar,
but that gave Bacha no cause for anxiety.
He knew that Amanullah Khan was generally

54


hated by his people and had no chance
of winning back his throne. But Ali Ahmad
Jan was an experienced general and had
a regular force at his back with a large
quantity of arms and ammunition, and
commanded great influence in the east.
Bacha sent a mission to Ali Ahmad Jan
asking him to swear allegiance forthwith.
The mission met Ali Ahmad Jan at Jagdilak,
where he was busy with his preparations
for the attack on Kabul. Instead of sending
the mission back with a reply he detained
it for sometime, lest they should carry
information to the Bacha regarding the real
strength of his army. But these precautions
proved of no avail. His army, recruited as
it was from different tribes, was of too
heterogeneous a character including men from
the north who could not make up their
mind to fight against the Bacha; as soon
as an opportunity offered itself were only
too willing to desert his camp to join the
Saqaoists.
Thus he committed a serious mistake
when he sent a detachment of troops towards
the Caves of Mullah Omar at a distance of
some six miles from But-Khak. the Bacha's
55


outpost towards the east. Most of the
men in the vanguard were from the north
and when they found themselves face to
face with the Saqaoists neither side would
fire, and ultimately Ali Ahmad Jan's men
went over to Bacha's side taking with them
their arms and ammunition (February 1,
1929). This proved a death-blow to Ali
Ahmad's prestige. With the best portion
of his army gone, he naturally desired to have
a larger number of tribesmen on his side.
The Khogianis and Shinwaris were approach-
ed and by promises of handsome rewards
and high posts they were won over.
But their leaders, Maliks Mohammad
Jan, Mohammad Shah, and Qais had long-
standing jealousies among themselves. When
the second detachment which consisted
mostly of Khogianis reached Omar Caves,
Mohammad Shah went secretly to Kabul
and had an interview with Bacha who
treated him very kindly and gave him
a large sum of money together with pro-
mises of greater bounty if he succeeded in
dispersing Ali Ahmad Jan's forces. On his
return at Barikow, he met Malik Mohammad
Jan, who having gained knowledge of his

56


سرزنش و ملامت کردن
treachery, rebuked him soundly. A fight
took place between them and their followers
جنگ joined in the affray. As a result, both the
leaders were killed. Ali Ahmad Jan soon
found himself involved in a bloody conflict.
His magazine was looted, and he himself with
his two sons had to fly for life, as some
men were anxious to take them prisoner and
hand them over to Bacha in the hope of
obtaining the proclaimed rewards.

Ali Ahmad Jan made straight for the
Laghman Valley. Here he fell in the hands
of a nomadic tribe, and if some of the local
tribes had not come to his rescue, he would
have been taken to Kabul. After his
release, he left for the Kunar Valley, and
thence after many hardships, he at last
reached British India through the Mohmand
territory and having stayed for a few days
at Peshawar, proceeded to Kandahar to meet
Amanullah Khan.

After Ali Ahmad Jan's flight to Pesha-
war, the tribal feuds in the east took the
form of a very serious civil war and this
state continued till the arrival of Sardar
Mohammad Hashim Khan, a brother of the
present King, who through his influence and

57


friendly advice succeeded to a great extent
in bringing peace to the unfortunate people
of the Eastern Province.

58


CHAPTER VI

KANDAHAR

A few hours after his abdication,
Amanullah Khan left for Kandahar in a
motor car. He could not make good his
escape by means of an aeroplane, as he had
at first thought, because he was told that
the aerodrome was within range of the
enemy. He was afraid that his passage to
Kandahar would not be a safe one. The
snow had fallen deep and the Ghazni-Kabul
Road was almost blocked. Moreover, the
Bacha had got wind of his intention and had
despatched a few of his men on horses to
prevent his escape. Near Arghandi some
12 miles from Kabul, his car stuck deep in
the snow and he had to wait for two hours
before his men were able to drag it out.
No sooner did he leave the place than the
band of pursuers appeared on the scene.
Thus it was more by luck than anything else
that he succeeded in reaching his destination
on the third day (16th January 1929).

At Kandahar the ex-King was received
very coldly. No one came out to meet him;

59


the faces of those in the streets indicated
plainly that they had no sympathy for him.
He was obliged to call a meeting in which
he fully explained to his audience the causes
that had brought about the revolution. He
admitted that he had committed blunders,
and that in order to put an end to the
bloody civil war, caused by his rash and
misguided steps and owing to the general
hatred of the people for himself and his
regime, he was obliged to abdicate in favour
of his elder brother, Inayatullah Khan. In
the end, he asked them to co-operate with
the Kabul Government in establishing peace
and to send in their allegiance to Inayatullah
Khan. The audience did not promise any-
thing. Some of them rebuked him for his
unwise steps, others were bold enough to tell
him to his face that they could not help him in
any way and that he should seek assistance
from his ignorant and treacherous courtiers,
who were the real cause of this national catas-
trophe. In fact, they were not prepared
to accept Inayatullah Khan or any member
of his family as their king. Nor did they
hold any brief for the Bacha, whom they
knew to be a low-born illiterate person with

60


be left in Kandahar to look after the local affairs. From Herat, he declared, he would proceed to Mizar-i-Sharif, whence he would lead an army for an attack on Kabul. By this time, the people had fully realized the danger that was in store for them. Rumours were rife that the Bacha was the worst enemy of the Durranis, whom he had sworn to extirpate اخراج و منهدم, and that a very strong army was being equipped to march on Kandahar to carry out his wicked designs. These horrible news roused the Kandaharis from their lethargy غش, and in sheer self-defence they promised Amanullah Khan full support with men and money.
Amanullah Khan was not slow to avail himself of this opportunity. He once more declared himself King, and formed a Cabinet, which mostly consisted of those treacherous and ease-loving courtiers who had been the cause of his downfall. Some well-informed Kandahari Chiefs warned him against the consequences of such a repetition of his past indiscretions بی احتیاطی, but he paid no heed to their counsel, and when pressed very hard, threatened to leave for Herat rather than pass over his favourites.

62


Slowly, the Kandaharis began to mobilize.
Levies from Farah and Herat answered
the call. Abdul Ahad Khan, a Verdak
Chief and the present President of the
National Assembly was sent towards Ghazni
at the head of the first detachment to stop
the advance of the Bacha's forces, who
had by this time succeeded in breaking
through the Verdak tribes, and were marching
on Ghazni.
The Bacha, it will be remembered, had
after occupying Kabul, concentrated his
whole attention on the east, where Ali Ahmad
Jan, his formidable rival, was busy in making
great preparations for an attack on the
capital. He had nothing to fear from the
ex-King; he knew his weaknesses and the
general hatred of the people for him. Besides,
Kandahar was a month's journey from Kabul,
and now that the snow was knee-deep,
the Kandahar-Kabul Road was blocked;
there was no reason to apprehend an
attack from that quarter. So he was content
to send small detachments towards Ghazni,
and station the major portion of his army
at But-Khak to meet the onslaught of Ali حمله
Ahmad Jan's men. After the collapse of

63


Ali Ahmad Jan at Jagdilak, and till the
arrival of Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan,
the eastern tribes being involved in internal
warfare, could give little cause for anxiety,
and he could afford to devote his whole
attention to other sides.

For the conquest of Kandahar, he did
not deem it necessary to send a very strong
force. He knew that the ex-King would not
be warmly received even by members of
his own tribe. Sher Jan knew the ways
of frustrating Amanullah Khan's plans. In
addition to the treacherous courtiers, who were
Sher Jan's friends in disguise, all the powerful
tribes living between Ghazni and Kandahar
were won over by the clever Chamberlain.
But he had a powerful enemy to crush
before his forces could co-operate with
those tribes and march on Kandahar. The
land between Ghazni and Sheikhabad is the
home of the brave and warlike Verdaks.
Led by Karim Khan, Lala Abdullah Khan,
and his brother, Abdul Ahad Khan, the
Verdaks were in no way prepared to accept
Bacha as their King, or to give him free
passage through their territory. Money or
force could not influence them. Several

64


times the Bacha tried to break through their ranks, but his attacks were repulsed with heavy losses. Many a time this small band of heroes succeeded in utterly routing the Bacha's regiments, and capturing large quantities of arms and ammunition. Once or twice the Bacha and his brother had narrowly escaped capture and death at their hands. Bribes, promises of high rewards and good posts could not deter the brave Verdaks from their determination. But unfortunately after a heroic resistance of some three months, Karim Khan, their leader, fell a prisoner in Bacha's hands, who had him killed. The loss of this able leader was a great blow to his followers and the Bacha's men were at last able to march through their territory and occupy Ghazni, before Abdul Ahad Khan who was sent from Kandahar had time to arrive at the scene.

On the 26th March, Amanullah Khan left Kandahar at the head of a large army. He encamped at Manzil Bagh about three miles from the City on the Kabul-Kandahar Road. Full four days were spent here in organizing and equipping his men. It was here that he got the sad news of an

65 E


insurrection at Herat, and of the deaths of his Governor and the Military Commander.

On the morning of 30th March, he began his march and by stages reached Ghazni in sixteen days. All along the way the King had met with some resistance from the local tribes which he had easily overcome. But the royal army was extremely undisciplined and sacked some of the villages on the road. This greatly incensed the other tribes who were anxiously waiting for an opportunity to avenge themselves. They kept a close watch on this army and any one who lost his way or was left behind soon found himself in the hands of enemies, who did not show him any mercy.

The Hazaras did not fail to send in their levies. Large numbers of them joined the royal standard with the result that when Amanullah Khan reached Ghazni, he found himself at the head of a host of about thirty thousand. But it was a heterogeneous army utterly lacking in cohesion and not to be easily controlled by a few unprincipled officers.

The treacherous courtiers watched the movements of Amanullah Khan very closely.

66


Wherever he went he was followed by one of
them. No real well-wisher of the King was
allowed to approach his person, and if by
chance some one succeeded in his attempt to
meet him, doubts were cast upon his loyalty
and his words were discredited. بی اعتبار شد

The fort of Ghazni was easily besieged,
the enemy was cut off from Kabul, and it
seemed probable that Ghazni would open its
gates in a day or two. But every day that
passed helped towards the demoralization of
this vast host. Important strategical posts
captured after heavy sacrifices were soon
after deserted, clearly showing evidences of
treachery. Some of the loyal and experienced
officers and tribal chiefs such as Abdul Ahad
Khan and Lala Abdullah Khan advised
Amanullah Khan to quit the siege of Ghazni
and march straight on Kabul through the terri-
tory of the Verdaks, who were impatiently
waiting for his arrival. But the King did
not trust ; on the contrary, he sometimes openly
accused them of secretly planning to hand
him over to the Bacha. These officers being شکست فاحش
bitterly disappointed and checkmated every- خوردن
where found it worse than useless to
co-operate. The favourites now found

67


themselves free to carry out their plans; urging on the King the futility of continuing the campaign, and advising him to seek his safety in flight, they soon prevailed upon him, and all of a sudden on the 26th of April at about 9 in the night, the order for immediate retreat was given.
This unexpected turn was a great shock to the well-wishers of the country. They implored the King to stick to his guns, but all in vain. The royal army was soon marching on the Kandahar Road in a very disorderly manner closely pursued by the Bacha's men and by some of the local tribes. At every stage they were attacked and fired at and large numbers were killed. Once or twice the King found himself encompassed by these tribal lashkars and could only make his escape after a severe engagement. With great difficulty he reached Mohmand, the last post on the Kandahar Road. He did not enter the city, but calling the members of his family, he left for Chaman in cars. From Chaman, he proceeded to Bombay, where after a short stay at the Taj Mahal Hotel, necessitated by the birth of his daughter, he left for Rome, where he has been living since.
68


After his departure Ali Ahmad Jan who
was then at Kandahar once more declared
himself King. But he was not to enjoy
his kingship for long. The Saqaoists were on
their way to Kandahar. The city was soon
besieged and Ali Ahmad Jan found himself
surrounded by the enemy and deserted by
his soldiers. The terrified citizens at once
opened the gates. Ali Ahmad Jan with a
few of his faithful followers tried to force
his way through one of the city gates, but
most of his men lost their lives in the
attempt and he himself escaped narrowly.
He took shelter in one of the private houses,
but was soon discovered, taken to Kabul, and
kept in the Arg for a few days. He was
paraded through the streets of the city in the
most ignominious way, taken to the aero- فضیحت
drome, and finally blown from cannon's
mouth (July 9, 1929).

69


[BLANK PAGE]


CHAPTER VII
GLIMPSES OF HOPE

The fall of Kabul into the hands of brigands and bandits and the inauguration of the Reign of Terror was everywhere received with feelings of sorrow and grief, but it told most heavily on one, who was at this time lying on the sick-bed thousands of miles away in a villa in France, pale and emaciated لاغر و ناتوان, and in a very delicate state of health. The doctors considered it essential for him to have perfect rest, and had ordered that no disturbing news should reach him. Yet his burning desire, to know how his motherland was faring, overcame the resistance of his brothers who attended on him and who were persuaded to read out the news to him constantly. For the frail خسته exterior concealed a patriot's heart which was bleeding at the sufferings of the unfortunate Afghans, and every now and then the spirit would feel restless and long to be by the side of the unhappy victims of bloodshed and oppression, but finding the flesh too weak would wait and brood and strengthen its

71


H.M. KING MOHD NADIR SHAH AND HIS BROTHERS.

The late Sardar H. M. the King. H. R. H. Sardar
Mohd Aziz Khan Mohd Hashim Khan

H. R. H. Sardar H. R. H. Sardar
Shah Wali Khan Shah Mahmud Khan


determination a thousand-fold for the time
to come. This noble being was none other
than Marshal Mohammad Nadir Khan, the
present ruler of Afghanistan, and with him
were his brothers, Sardar Mohammad Aziz
Khan, Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan
and Sardar Shah Wali Khan. On his sick-
bed he had been watching the course of
events in Afghanistan. Finally when the
news of Bacha's success reached him, he
could no longer suffer his state of enforced
inaction and asked to be taken to Afghan-
istan. Neither the doctors' warning nor the
persuasion of the brothers was of any avail.
He was told that the constant anxiety in
which he was living had done him no good and
that the strain of a long journey might imperil
his very life. But nothing could shake his
determination. All that he knew was that
his motherland called him and he dared not
disobey. On a stretcher they carried him
to the railway station. People shook their
heads dubiously and very few hoped that he
would manage to reach his destination. But
God had ordained that through him Afghan-
istan should be saved. In the following pages
we shall read how this bold and courageous
72


patriot rose, as it were, from his sick-bed and
after months of hard labour and innumerable
sacrifices succeeded at last in restoring peace
and order in Afghanistan ; but before we do
that, let us glance at his early life and his
past career, for the man, who was soon to
hold the reins of Government and prove to
be the Saviour of his country, had never
lacked those qualities which later proved to
be his best equipment in the service of his
motherland.
H. M. King Mohammad Nadir Shah-i-
Afghan, the second son of the late Sardar
Mohammad Yusuf Khan, was born on April
9, 1883. In him are united the two royal
houses of Mohammadzais and Sadozais. On
his father’s side, he is the great-grandson of
Sardar Sultan Mohammad Khan, son of Sardar
Payindah Khan, the founder of Mohammad-
zais ; and on his mother’s side he descends
from Ahmad Shah Abdali (1747—1773 A.D.),
the founder of modern Afghanistan.
Even in his early life, he was distin-
guished for his prudence, determination,
bravery and liberality shown on many a
memorable occasion and in the cause of the
nation, which he has been assiduously serving

با سعی زیاد 73


since 1904. The value of his last and greatest act yet remains to be truly evaluated, although it is of course universally acknowledged that, but for the part played by him in the last phase of Afghan History, Afghanistan would probably have ceased to be an independent country.

After completing his education, he joined the Afghan Army at the early age of 20, when he was appointed a Colonel of the Royal Body-Guards. But he soon showed uncommon ability and H. M. Amir Habibullah Khan was so pleased with his work that he was promoted to Brigadier-Generalship (1906). Three years later, in 1909, a rising broke out in the Southern Province and within a short time the rebels gathered so much force that they began to prepare for an attack on Kabul. Amir Habibullah Khan was at his wits' end and it was Sardar Mohammad Nadir Khan who saved ذکاوت the situation, and through his sagacity and bravery succeeded not only in rounding up the rebels, but in winning these tribes over to the Amir's side. The Amir was so pleased with his tact and generalship that he immediately appointed him to the post of

74


Commander-in-Chief. During the remaining
days of Amir Habibullah Khan's reign,
Sardar Mohammad Nadir Khan and members
of his family, all men of great ability and
exceptional administrative capacity, did their
best for the advancement of their motherland.
It was chiefly through their efforts that pro-
gressive measures were adopted by H. M.
Amir Habibullah Khan, and so wisely and
conscientiously did this noble family work
انجام دادن in the discharge of their duties that wherever
they went, and whatever offices they held,
محبوب they endeared themselves to the people and
عزیز شد won a high place in their esteem.
The family continued to serve the
country in the reign of King Amanullah
Khan and never willingly withdrew its co-
operation. It was due to their heroic actions
in the Third Afghan War (1919) that the
country gained its independence. Had it not
been for the military achievements of Marshal
Mohammad Nadir Khan at Thal and those of
his brothers Shah Wali Khan and General
Shah Mahmud Khan at Wana in Waziristan
and Paiwar Pass, the Amaniyyah Government
would long have ceased to exist. H. M. King
Amanullah Khan was not slow in realizing

75


پایگاه دایمی و یادگار استقلال
که بدست اعلیحضرت غازی
امیر امان الله خان پادشاه
افغانستان تاسیس یافت


the value of this historic success, and he
erected a pillar near the Ministry of War to
commemorate this brilliant achievement of
the Commander-in-Chief. The words on this
pillar are :
In memory of the unique success and entry
of the patriotic and national hero, Sardar
Mohammad Nadir Khan, Commander-in-Chief,
by the valour of whose sword the Afghan
Nation won its independence from the British
in the year 1298 (Solar Era), the pillar has
been erected.
But the brilliant career of Sardar Moham-
mad Nadir Khan and his brothers stimulated
the jealousies of the Court. Their long and
laborious services which had made them the
idols of the nation, raised a host of enemies,
who were determined by every means in
their power to bring about their downfall.
These worthless and selfish courtiers seized
every opportunity to poison the mind of King
Amanullah against them. What they wanted
was that no honest man should be allowed to
retain office under the Government, so that
they might be able to fatten themselves on
bribes, and embezzle public money to their
heart's content. They fully knew that so

76


long as Sardar Mohammad Nadir Khan or
any one of his family was among them, they
would not be able to carry out their mis-
chievous plans.

The King, too, being young and raw, could
not see through their destructive designs. He
soon forgot the meritorious services of this
noble family and began to depend upon the
advice of those incapable and selfish courtiers,
who made him promulgate those unpopular
laws, which the nation was not prepared to
accept and ultimately brought about the
Revolution of 1924. Sardar Mohammad
Nadir Khan, then Commander-in-Chief,
wanted to settle the matter amicably by calling
a Jirgah, but the King, led astray by his
courtiers who had absolutely no knowledge of
the military superiority of the insurgents,
declared war, with what disastrous results
we have already reviewed (vide Chapter I).
Marshal Nadir Khan knew the futility of
such an action and in protest resigned his
post. He was then appointed Afghan Minister
at Paris, but even there differences with
King Amanullah Khan and his Government
obliged him to resign and retire to private life
in a quiet French villa. But though no longer

77


connected officially with his motherland, he
neither forgot it nor ceased to send his protests
against the unwise steps that were being
taken. On their part his countrymen never
forgot him and his long series of sincere and
unselfish services. Thus we find that from
the very first day of the Bacha's rule, all
eyes were turned on him and his brothers, on
whom alone rested the hopes of the oppressed
[خلاصی / = نجات] for their deliverance ; and on the other side
we observe that this national out-cry was
not left unheard. Though quite unable to
move, the Marshal determined to reach his
motherland at all costs. He could not keep
himself away when his countrymen were in
the grip of the brigand chief and undergoing
the oppression and cruelty of the Reign of
Terror.

78


CHAPTER VIII

THE JOURNEY

Marshal Nadir Khan with his two brothers, Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan and Sardar Shah Wali Khan left Nice on the 25th January 1929. He was taken to the S. S. "Kaiser-i-Hind" on a stretcher. For the first few days of the voyage he was very weak [ل بیماری] and had repeated attacks of delirium [ن هذیان]. But even then he could not forget his motherland, and would not consent to discontinuing the voyage. Several times his brothers requested him to take a little rest in one of the ports en route, but the brave Marshal would answer, "You know my destination. There is no rest for me till I reach there, dead or alive."

Fortunately, after crossing the Suez Canal, his health began to show signs of improvement, so much so that when the boat reached Bombay (10th February), the Marshal though still very weak, was able to walk a few steps unaided, and the attacks of delirium recurred no more.

He was given a hearty reception at

79


Marshal Mohd Nadir Khan at Bombay.


the port, where a large gathering of notables had come out to meet him. Thence he was taken to the Afghan Consulate where a grand meeting was held in his honour. He was requested to give his opinion about the future of Afghanistan. His reply was brief and to the point. After expressing his deepest sorrow for the national catastrophe caused by the unwise and misguided actions of its ruler, he said, "I am proceeding to Afghanistan solely with the object of doing my best to restore peace and order and to unite the different tribes now at war with one another. I cannot foretell the result, but this much I can assure you that I will either achieve my object or lay down my life in the attempt." His health did not permit him to stay long in the meeting, so he proceeded to the Taj Mahal Hotel, where he stayed for a few days, during which time, contrary to the advice of his doctors, he took no rest, but continued to study the Afghan problem and the ways and means of coping with the situation.
Many newspaper correspondents asked him to give his opinion on the situation in Kabul. To all he would make this brief
80


answer, "Myself and the members of my
family have resolved to serve the mother-
land at this critical moment. Our only aim
is to re-establish peace and to extinguish
the fire of civil war now ablaze, which if
it last longer, will, we are quite sure, ulti-
mately ruin it and deprive it of its prestige
and independence."

During his short stay at Bombay, the
Marshal had a very busy time. He published
some pamphlets containing his views on the
Afghan problem and sent these to different
quarters of Afghanistan, asking his country-
men to abstain from the bloodshed and civil
war and to settle their differences by calling
a Jirgah, to which representatives from all
parts of the country should be invited. In
a certain meeting at Bombay, he openly
declared his policy in the following words:
"My object in going to Afghanistan is to
ask my countrymen to give up this inter-
necine warfare and settle their differences
amicably by means of a Jirgah, in which
they might elect a wise and energetic man
from among themselves as their King. I
am neither against King Amanullah Khan

81
F


nor Ali Ahmad Jan, nor would I take
any steps against them. I will do whatever is
best in the interest of my country; and
will only take sides with that party or indivi-
dual whose aim is to render sincere service
to the country, and has the people's sym-
pathies." When some of the Indians
persisted in their demand that he should
work for the ex-King and do his best to
get back the throne for him, he would reply,
"I have the deepest feelings of sympathy
for King Amanullah Khan, and am extremely
sorry for all the calamities that by his rash
and misguided steps, he has brought upon
himself and his country, but as for his
دوباره جلوس reinstatement I cannot promise anything, as
it is not in my power to make the people
accept him as their King. The election
of a king is the right of the people them-
selves and whoever has their love and
confidence and is a true well-wisher of the
country will naturally be elected for this
سخت و صعب onerous duty."

From Bombay to Peshawar the Marshal
was everywhere received very heartily. Large
numbers of people came to the railway stations

82


to catch a glimpse of the famous Afghan
Commander-in-Chief on whom alone, it was
whispered, rested the fate of the country.
They would put to him various questions on
the topic and his answers were always in the
strain shown in the above extracts.

Peshawar.—The Marshal and his brothers
reached Peshawar on the 19th February. A
large number of people and many influential
tribal chiefs had come to meet him at the
railway station. During his short stay at
Peshawar, he knew no rest, engrossed as he مشغول. مجذوب
was in a minute study of the problems lying
ahead. Ali Ahmad Jan and some other
Afghans who were at this time in Peshawar
came to see him and supplied him with
the information they possessed and the local
chiefs insisted that he should go to Kandahar
and help the ex-King, being, strangely
enough unaware, even then of the general
hatred of the Afghans for Amanullah Khan.
In their blind and over-zealous sympathy
for a Muslim State, they wanted to force
upon the people a king who had been tried
for several years and found wanting. Marshal
Nadir Khan, who knew his fellow-countrymen

83


far better than these people, tried his
best to bring home to them the real situation.
He told them plainly that he was not against
the ex-King, for whom he had every sympa-
thy; but that he himself had neither the right
nor the power to force the people to accept
him as their king. He refused to proceed
to Kandahar where the ex-King was making
preparations for an attack on Kabul, telling
them plainly that he would not be able
to do anything there. We have already
observed (Chapter VI) how Ali Ahmad Jan,
اندرز who led away by the exhortations of these
men went to Kandahar, was unable to do
anything useful and had ultimately to pay
with his life.

Marshal Nadir Khan was too wise to
be led astray by these people, who had
absolutely no knowledge of the Afghan
mentality and who in their religious fervour
wanted that the affairs of a foreign country
should follow the trend of their desires.
بیهوده Their abortive efforts relative to the Turkish
question and the Caliphate problem had
shown at once their earnestness and their
sympathy for their brethren-in-faith, and
their ignorance of practical politics.

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most honourably and requested Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan to go to the Southern Province, and to use his family influence in winning the tribes to his side. Another letter was sent through Sardar Ahmad Shah Khan to the Marshal and his brothers in France asking them to return to their motherland, promising them the highest positions that they cared to have. But even Sher Jan, clever as he was, could not foresee that though all the members of this noble family had been ill-treated by the ex-King they were in no way ready to throw in their lot with robbers and brigands, whose rule was a national disgrace and, if prolonged, would prove fatal to the existence of Afghanistan as a free country.
Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan, who was on the look-out for an opportunity to serve his countrymen, was not slow to take advantage of this opportunity. He left Kabul with a few of his friends, and by way of Khushi and Dobandi, reached the Southern Province. He went from place to place holding Jirgahs and telling the people all about the Reign of Terror and the wretched
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and helpless condition of the people in general
and the capital in particular. He tried to
make them understand the impending national
calamity and asked them to join hands in
گم کرده / exterminating the cruel regime. He emphasiz-
ed the fact that within the short period of
Saqao's rule Afghanistan had been nearly
ruined; her trade was crippled, her credit
dead and her prestige gone. She was on the بسیار نزدیک
brink of complete annihilation and nothing
but a united effort could save them.

It was here that General Shah Mahmud
Khan got the happy news of his brothers'
arrival in India. He was impatient to meet
them and to know of the health of Marshal
Nadir Khan. He, therefore, left for India,
but he had not to go very far. In
Parachinar, he met his brothers. The three
had a long talk wherein the General gave
all the details of the revolution, with its
attendant horrors. Needless to say, the
sad story of Afghanistan's pitiable plight was
a long and a sorrowful one and the Marshal's
eyes grew dim as one by one the terrible
implications of the situation were unfolded
before him.

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There was no time to lose. He resolved
to enter his native land, to save his brethren
from the cruel grip of the brigand chief.
He knew he had neither men nor money,
nor good health. The enemy was in possession
of the capital and the public treasury; and
had a formidable standing army well armed
and well equipped. He also knew that any
action on his part would lead the cruel and
relentless autocrat خود مطلق to arrest the remaining
members of his family then in Kabul, and
put them to indescribable وصف ناپذیر tortures. But
nothing could deter him from his purpose. He
immediately despatched General Shah
Mahmud Khan with necessary instructions to
Jaji, and himself with Sardar Shah Wali Khan
left for Khost.

Khost.—The Marshal and his brother
accompanied by Sayed Sharif Khan and
Nawab Khan reached Khost on the 9th March.
A large number of tribal chiefs and Govern-
ment officials had come out to meet their
renowned Commander-in-Chief on the Afghan
border. Noor Mohammad Khan's regiment
paid its respect with a salute of 31 guns.
Military bands, national dances and other

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واضحاً
ceremonies indicated explicitly the high esteem of the people for their well-wisher, who in spite of his ill-health had come to save them once more from destruction and ruin. Everyone sincerely hoped that they would soon see the end of their dark days. To them it was a day of national festivity and happiness. The Marshal, though still extremely weak in body, went round from place to place and embraced all the chiefs and officers who were anxiously waiting for him. Then he made a brief speech telling them how at a time when, due to his long illness he was confined to bed, he had heard the sad news of the revolution, and of the coming of the Bacha to the throne. The news had had no little effect upon his already weak constitution. But he could have no peace of mind. He could not bear to see his countrymen involved in a bloody civil war and undergoing the hardships and oppression of the Bacha and his partisans. On reaching Peshawar he had sent his brother Mohammad Hashim Khan to the Eastern Province, and himself with Shah Wali Khan had come to them to work together

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against the common enemy of the nation,
who through the treachery of the Court and
the misguided steps of the ruler had succeeded
in usurping the throne and was heading for
national destruction and ruin. He finished
his speech by declaring that he meant to
convene a jirgah after Id, in which a
programme of action would be drawn up
which, with their help, he would try to carry
out. After this he left for the Cantonment,
where necessary arrangements had been made
for his lodging.

The general condition of the country at
this time.—Before narrating the activities of
Sardar Mohammad Nadir Khan and his bro-
thers in this drama of national salvation, let
us consider the condition of the different
provinces at the time of their arrival.

Kabul, the most unfortunate of all the
provinces, was, as we have already observed, in
the cruel clutches of the Bacha and his men,
and people were living in unholy terror of
them. Thousands had lost their lives on
mere suspicion, and many were still undergo-
ing various kinds of tortures in the dungeons
and prison houses.

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In Kandahar Amanullah Khan had once
more declared himself King. But he had
entirely lost his prestige and was held in
extreme contempt. There was also a
general hatred for the Bacha, and all were
desirous of seeing the end of his cruel regime.
Herat, though nominally under the
Kandahar Government, and governed by
Mohammad Ghaus Khan and Mohammad
Ibrahim Khan, was not in favour of Amanullah
Khan, and was in no way prepared to help
him in recapturing the capital.
In the north the Bacha had succeeded
in occupying Mizar-i-Sharif ; but there was
a general hatred against his high-handedness
and cruelty, and every one was anxiously
waiting for an opportunity to avenge his
grievances.
The Eastern Province was involved in
an inter-tribal civil war, and only the greedy
among the influential chiefs, anxious to share
the spoils, had sent their allegiance to the
Bacha.
The Hazaras, like the Verdaks, were
making a bold stand against the ingression
of Bacha's forces, and had several times
succeeded in routing them.
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The province of Qatghan, though com-pletely under Bacha's sway, was groaning under his maladministration and tyrrany.

The Southern Province was yet un-decided. The people had many grievances against the ex-King, who had very cruelly treated them during the Revolution of 1924. Gratified at his abdication, they were yet in no way prepared to accept Bacha as their king. Unfortunately, there was no co-opera-tion between them, and their inter-tribal jealousies taught Mohammad Siddiq, Sher Jan's brother, who was then commanding the Gardez Regiment, to avail himself of the opportunity. He bribed some of the chiefs and thus succeeded in winning them over to his side. The result was that a sort of civil war had broken out, and the people had fallen upon Government buildings and cantonments, pillaging and burning wherever they went. Only three cantonments, those of Khost, Gardez and Urgoon, had escaped this general destruction. But even in these places the situation was very critical; the garrisons were beseiged and

92


Government magazines were threatened.
When the happy news of the Marshal's arrival
reached Khost, the garrison turned out to
welcome him and for the first time in three
months saw anything like a gleam of hope
in the distant horizon.

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