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AFGHANISTAN
THE NATIONAL AWAKENING

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AFGHANISTAN
THE NATIONAL AWAKENING

By
MOHAMMED ALI, M.A.

- [1814?] -


[BLANK PAGE]


AFGHANISTAN
THE NATIONAL AWAKENING

By
MOHAMMED ALI, M.A.
Professor of History, Kabul University
&
Author of : Progressive Afghanistan, Guide to Afghanistan,
Commercial Afghanistan, A New Guide to Afghanistan,
Aryana or Ancient Afghanistan, Afghanistan—An Historical Sketch
and
Manners & Customs of the Afghans

1958

PUBLISHED BY
THE PUNJAB EDUCATIONAL PRESS
Nabha Road, LAHORE
*
Price S. 6.


All rights reserved with the Publisher


CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction i-xvi
PART I-THE HOTAKIS
Rise of the Hotakis 1-14
Mir Vais Khan 14-15
Shah Mahmud 15-30
Shah Ashraff 30-44
Nadir Shah of Persia 44-54
PART II-THE DURRANIS
Rise of Durranis 56-57
Ahmad Shah Durrani 57-90
Timur Shah 91-97
Zaman Shah 98-115
Shah Mahmud 116-123
Shah Shuja 124-135
Shah Mahmud (again) 136-137
The fall of the Durrani's 138-140


SARDAR MOHAMMED DAOUD, AFGHAN PREMIER


DEDICATED
TO
H. R. H. SARDAR MOHAMMED DAOUD
AFGHAN PRIME MINISTER
A KEEN AND SINCERE SUPPORTER
OF
NATIONAL ASPIRATIONS


PREFACE

Very little is written on the Afghans and their past history, and whatever literature is available in this connection is supplied mostly by foreigners and interested persons. This lack of adequate material has led some people believe that the country had no political entity in the past and came into existence only recently. It was, therefore, thought necessary to write a complete history of the country from the earliest times to the present age.

For the sake of convenience it is divided into four parts. The first covers the early period, from the dawn of history down to the invasion of the Arabs. The second is to deal with the medieval period, that is from the tenth century onwards to the close of the 17th. The third is to cover mostly the eighteenth century until the collapse of the Durrani dynasty in the early part of the 19th century. The fourth and the last part is to be exclusively the history of the Mohammedzais, the present ruling family of Afghanistan.

Of these only the first part came out in the beginning of the last year under the title of


"Aryana or Ancient Afghanistan." It was printed
at Kabul and published by the Society of His
torical Research. Unfortunately, no adequate
arrangements could be available for printing an
English book at the Capital. It is, therefore, full
of mistakes, mostly of spellings, and sometimes it
makes a difficult reading.
The second part is not yet fully compiled and
may take a year or so for its completion. The
present volume entitled "The National Awaken
ing" is the third in the series and deals exclusively
with the history of two prominent Afghan dynas
ties—the Hotakis and the Durranis.
I acknowledge my heart-felt gratitude to the
Press Department and the Asia Foundation in
this connection. But for their encouragement
and help, moral as well as material, the author
could have hardly thought of undertaking such an
onerous task.
MOHAMMED ALI
Shershahmena,
Kabul, Afghanistan.
1st February, 1958.


INTRODUCTION

Afghanistan is a country of contrasts. More than half of it is a high plateau covered with lofty mountains, while the other half consists of level sandy tracts. The valleys, surrounded by hills, are extremely beautiful and appear like green emeralds set in the lap of mountains. Gushing streams, with clear blue water, add to their charms. On the other hand, the deserts are mostly desolate, where the very wind is often suffocating and even poisonous.

The climate of Afghanistan is extreme; it is cold and wet in winter, hot and dry in summer. Similar is the case with night and day, shade and sunshine; the difference of temperature may even go to forty degrees Fahrenheit. The temperament of the people could be no exception to this rule. Like the climate of his country, an Afghan knows no happy mean. He is either a loving friend or a deadly enemy. He will gladly lay down his life for the sake of his friend, or avenge his grievances though it may take him years to do. Outwardly he may appear uncouth and rough, but he conceals in his bosom a true and sincere heart—true both in love and war.


ii

His history, too, is a checkered one. Sometimes he is establishing vast and powerful empires, extending to thousands of miles, with great centres of trade and arts, while at others he is involved in chaos and anarchy, destroying with his own hands the towering edifice he has created.

His geographical environment has had a deep and lasting effect on his customs, character, clothes and even his way of thinking. The mountainous and the uneven terrain of the country presents a very serious problem for the construction of roads. This lack of means of transportation as well as of communications has made journeys and thereby interchange of customs and ideas a very difficult task. It has resulted in dividing the people into clans and tribes, each leading for the most part an isolated and independent life preserving its peculiar dialect, culture and customs. Under a strong ruler, who would weld them together, the Afghans have achieved marvels, while a weak one would pave the way for internal discord and feuds.

Afghanistan, since a very early time, had been on the cross-roads of world trade and a meeting ground of various nations and different culture


iii
and arts. It was here that the Aryans for the
first time took to settled life and framed a rudi-
mentary form of democratic government. Again
it was here that Zoroaster preached his mono-
theistic religion and taught men the lesson of right
thinking, right speaking and right acting. Later
on, in the fourth century B. C., it became a part
of the Macedonian Empire and came into direct
touch with Greek philosophy and culture. It
was about the middle of the third century B. C.,
during the reign of Asoka the Great, that Buddh-
ism found its way into the country. It was
on the Afghan soil that Greek realism mingled
with Indian spiritualism, resulting in the Greco-
Buddhist art. Again in the seventh and eighth
centuries it came gradually under the influence
of Islamic culture and this has remained to be
the dominating factor of Afghan life to this
day.
The palmy days of Islam in Afghanistan
received a severe setback in the early part of the
13th century, when the ruthless Mongolian hordes,
under the leadership of Changiz Khan, poured
into the country, leaving death and destruction in
their wake. The flourishing seats of arts and


iv

culture, such as Bamian, Herat and Ghazni, were either razed to the ground or burnt to ashes. Millions and millions of people, some of them scholars of world-wide fame, were mercilessly butchered. As a result of this catastrophe, un-paralleled in human history, a wave of pessimism spread through the length and breadth of the country. Those, who had been fortunate enough to escape this general slaughter, took to penance and mortification. The philosophy, "this world is a hell for true believers" gained ground. Every misfortune, for which they themselves were responsible, was looked upon as punishment for their past sins and evil deeds. It was also believed that to combat these mishaps and diseases was beyond the power of human beings. This was the beginning of fatalism and pessimism in this country, which has played an important role in Afghan history.

Afghanistan had hardly recovered from the losses sustained at the hands of the Mongolian hordes, when another event happened, which crippled its trade and deprived it of its central commercial position. The country was lying on the cross-roads of world trade. Merchants from


V

China, India as well as from far off western countries would come to Balkh to exchange their commodities. Balkh was then not only the entrepot of world merchandise but of ideas and culture as well. The discovery of sea-route to India around the Cape of Good Hope towards the close of the 15th century was indeed a deathblow to Afghan trade. The inflow of ideas as well as of wealth took a different turn. Poverty, ignorance and superstition crept into society. Feudalism and anarchy became the rule of the day. People, finding their lives and property in danger, could hardly devote their time to education or the pursuit of fine art. The country gradually lost its independence and became the bone of contention between two powerful neighbouring Empires—the Mughals of India and the Saffavids of Persia.

The Mughals, who had destroyed the Afghan rule in India in 1526, were making every effort to reconcile the Afghans to their rule, and to make them forget their glorious past. Great care was taken in the appointment of Viceroys at Kabul. The tribes were practically left free to look after their own domestic affairs. They were regularly


vi

subsidized to guarantee the free passage of the Mughal troops through their territories. But all these measures proved futile, and the freedom loving Afghans were never content with their lot, nor did they forget that before the Mughals they were masters of India. From the days of Babur (1504-30) right to the death of Aurangzeb (1707), they allowed the Mughals no rest and carried on the struggle of liberation with ever-increasing zeal, inflicting many a crushing and humiliating defeat on the Imperial Forces.

In 1507 Babur took up arms against the Ghilzais, a powerful Afghan tribe, who had given him much trouble since he came to Kabul (1504). He took thousands of their sheep, and erected a minaret of human skulls to strike awe and terror of the Mughal force into the hearts of the tribesmen. But he failed in his attempts, for not long afterwards he was again forced to lead a second expedition against the Yusufzais, who had taken up arms against him. Seeing that force was of no avail, he married, for political reasons, the daughter of an influential Yusufzai chief.

Similarly, after the fall of Delhi and Agra (1526), Babur was confronted with the uprisings


vii

of the Afghans throughout India. He himself in his "Memoirs," bitterly complains of the opposition that he had to face in various parts of the country at the hands of the Afghans. He writes in this connection : "The Afghan governors of the provinces put their fortifications in defence and refused to submit or obey. Kanauj, with the whole country beyond the Ganges, was entirely in the possession of refractory Afghans, such as Nassar Khan, Maruf Farmuli, and a number of other Afghan chiefs, who were in a state of open rebellion. They had elected Bihar Khan (or Bahadur Khan), son of Darya Khan, as their king, and gave him the name of Sultan Mahmud."

On February 2, 1528, Babur set out to fight the Afghans, who had advanced from Bihar into Doab and had driven out the Imperial forces from Shamsabad. Though successful for a while, he could not achieve his object and the Afghans refused to pay homage to him and accept him as their over-lord.

In another part of his "Memoirs" Babur again complains in these words : "Sher Khan


viii

Sur, on whom I have bestowed marks of favour,
to whom I have given several parganas (pieces of
land), and whom I left in that quarter, has also
turned against me and has joined the ranks of
insurgents."

When Babur's son, Humayun came to power,
he found that numerous Afghan chiefs had estab-
lished independent principalities all over Northern
India. Sultan Mahmud Lodi appeared in Bihar
and had the support of all the old heads of the
Afghan nobility, such as Biban and Bayazeed.
But the most formidable rival of Humayun was
Sher Khan, who looked upon the Mughals with
great contempt, as appears from one of his
statements : "If fortune favours me, I can drive
these Mughals, the usurpers, back out of India.
They are not our superiors in war or even in
the art of administration, but we Afghans let
slip the power that we had, simply by reason
of our dissensions. Since I have been among
the Mughals, I have observed their conduct,
and found them lacking in order and dis-
cipline."

A third opponent of Humayun was Alaud Din
Lodi, uncle of Ibrahim Lodi. He was one of


ix

those traitors who invited Babur to India and fought against his nephew at Panipat in the vain hope that the invader would hand him over the reins of Government and return to Kabul. Later on, he fell into disgrace and was banished to Badakhshan, where he remained in prison until the death of Babur. After that he effected his escape, returned to India and sought refuge with Bahadur Shah, ruler of Gujrat, who supplied him money. Alauddin with his help was able to collect a large force with the intention of turning out the Mughals from India. He proceeded as far as Agra, but was finally defeated and made to retire from the scene.

Out of these Afghan chiefs it was only Sher Khan, who was ultimately successful. In 1540, he was able to inflict a crushing defeat on Humayun, who quitting India fled to Persia in the hope of getting some help from Shah Tahmasap in the recovery of his Empire. On meeting the Shah, he recounted his pathetic story, how fate had deserted him, and how his enemy, Sher Shah, had deprived him of his throne and crown. The Shah, receiving him with great respect, promised help, reminding him at the same time of the


X

friendly relations that existed between his family and the members of the Timur (Tamerlane) dynasty. But so long as Sher Shah was alive, neither Humayun nor the Shah of Persia, could even think of invading India.

Similarly, Akbar, Humayun's son and successor, had much trouble at the hands of the Afghans. After the fall of Kashmir, he directed his attention against the north-eastern tribes of Afghanistan, who had given him no rest since he came to power. But he met a very stiff resistance from these tribes and the Mughal army more than once was routed after sustaining innumerable losses.

At the same time Bayazid Ansar, popularly known as Pir Roshan (the Enlightened Saint) and the founder of a sect called Roshanian, took up arms against the Mughals. This was not only an armed conflict but a conflict of ideology as well. Bayazid was able to establish his authority in the hilly districts from the Khyber to the heart of the Sulaiman Range, with an influence over the neighbouring Afghan tribes as well, who looked upon him as their temporal and spiritual leader.


xi

In 1586, Akbar finally resolved to settle this intricate Afghan question once for all. The chief command of the Imperial Forces was entrusted to Zain Khan Koka, the Emperor's foster-brother, and to Raja Bir Bal, one of the closest personal friends of Akbar. The Mughals, though far superior in number and equipment, could make little headway. At last in one of the gorges between Swat and Bajaur, they were all of a sudden surrounded by the Afghans, who overwhelmed them with showers of stones and arrows. Finally, when they saw that the Mughals had lost their morale, they, rushing down the sides of the hills, fell upon the bewildered soldiers. All attempts to preserve discipline were of no avail. The defeat turned into a rout; men, horses and elephants were huddled together in their flight. A terrible slaughter followed and most of the Mughal officers were killed. Nor was Zain Khan more fortunate. At night when an alarm was heard that the Afghans were coming, his remaining troops again took to heels and not a bullet was fired in defence. Taking cover of the night, Zain Khan escaped on foot and made his way to Attock with great difficulty. The news of this


xii

defeat spread alarm even in the Imperial Camp, but unfortunately the Afghans let slip a golden opportunity. Content with the loot, they made no attempt to follow up the advantage.

After the death of Pir Roshan and his valiant son, Jalal Khan, the war of liberation did not come to an end. It was continued by his successors with unabated fury, and dragged on during the reign of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. Shah Jahan was once faced with a national rising of a very serious form and the Afghans came very near to establishing an independent kingdom in Northern India. They flocked to the standard of Khan Jahan Lodi, son of Daulat Khan, one of Akbar's trusted officers. He (Khan Jahan) held the rank of Panjhazari (Five Thousand) in the Mughal army and was a successful governor of Gujrat and the Deccan in the reign of Jahangir, Akbar's son. Like many other patriotic Afghans he too, cherished the idea of establishing an independent Afghan kingdom in India. The Imperial Forces once more suffered many reverses. But finally Khan Jahan was much depressed at the loss of his sons and followers, who were either killed in the battle or taken prisoners by the


xiii

Mughal forces. When all hope of success was lost, Khan Jahan, in accordance with his national custom, preferred death to an ignominious escape. He made a last stand with a handful of followers. In the midst of the struggle that ensued, Madhu Singh pierced him with a spear, and before Muzaffar Khan could come to his help, the brave soldier, with his surviving son, Aziz, was cut to pieces.

Even when the religious zeal of the Roshnanians wore out with years, the free spirit of the Afghans was not crushed. They rejected all overtures of peace or reconciliation both from the Mughals of India or the Saffavids of Persia. It was only in the cities and towns of Afghanistan that the foreigners could maintain their own by dint of superior organisation and better equipment.

When Aurangzeb came to power (1658), he too could not cope successfully with the Afghan question and thought it advisable to subsidize the tribes to guarantee the safety of roads that passed through their territories. The annual subsidies during his reign amounted to 600,000 rupees.


xiv

Even the expenditure of this huge sum could not make the Afghans give up their struggle. In 1667, the Yusufzais took up arms against him, and under the leadership of Bhagu, who had assumed kingship, crossed the river Indus above Attock. They were soon followed by other bands, who spread over Peshawar and the adjacent districts. In 1672, the Afridees came to the forefront. They rose under their leader, Akmal Khan, a born general, who crowned himself king, struck coins in his own name and proclaimed a Jehad (religious war) against the Mughals. He invited all the Afghan tribes to join this national movement and the war of liberation. Thousands came to his help. Closing the Khyber Pass, they attacked the Mughal garrison at Ali Masjid. Mohammed Amin Khan, son of Mir Jumla, the Mughal governor of Kabul, went out with all forces at his command, to rescue the garrison. The result was the oft repeated tale of disaster of the Mughal forces. Ten thousand were killed in the battle and more than two crores (20,000,000) of rupees fell into the hands of victors. They also captured twenty thousand men and women. Even the wife of Mohammed Amin was among


XV

the prisoners, who had to be ransomed at a very heavy price.

Another most formidable opponent of the foreigners was Khushal Khan Khattak, the soldier poet, who inspired the Afghans with his pen no less than his sword. Once the rising took a very serious turn and the Afghans were well nigh implementing their national programme. It affected the whole of eastern Afghanistan, from Attock to Kandahar. Moreover its leaders were not ordinary men. They had served in the Mughal army in Hindustan and the Deccan, and knew the organisation, efficiency and even the tactics of the Imperial Forces. The Mughals met disaster after disaster. At last Aurangzeb himself was forced to take the command of his army into his own hands. He came as far as Hasanabdal (June 1674) and for a year and a half he personally directed the operations. His gold in the long run proved more effective than his arms. Under its magic touch many of the leaders and clans were won over. Khushal Khan in his poems gives vent to his indignation against these traitors, who had been seduced by the prospect of advancement


XVI

to give up the cause of their country and join the ranks of enemies.

Khushal Khan Khattak was not destined to reap the fruits of his labours. But his noble example was vigorously followed by others, and his innumerable sacrifices fired the imagination of the Afghans all over the country. Every-where national movements took a serious form. The first to strike successfully was a Hotaki Chief of Kandahar, named Mir Vais Khan.


PART I

THE RISE OF THE HOTAKIS IN
KANDAHAR


[BLANK PAGE]


THE HOTAKIS

Kandahar is one of the richest provinces of Afghanistan, lying in the south-east corner of the country. During the 16th and 17th centuries it was a bone of contention between the two neighbouring powers—the Saffivids of Persia and the Mughals of India. Its strategical and commercial importance was so great that both of them wanted to incorporate it within their empire. In 1522 Babur took Kandahar from Shah Beg of Urghun family and it remained a part of the Mughal Empire until the death of Humayun, when Shah Tahmasap of Persia, taking advantage of Akbar's minority, cast longing eyes on Kandahar, and finally was able to lay his hands on it. In 1595, Akbar, anxious to regain Kandahar, intrigued with Muzaffar Hussein Mirza, who held the province as a fief of Persia. The conspiracy was crowned with success and the city surrendered to the Mughals. Muzaffar Hussein Mirza, for services rendered, was given an important command in the Mughal army and a piece of land in India. In 1620, after having concluded a peace treaty with Turkey, Shah Abbas of Persia


2

turned his attention to Kandahar. When negotiations proved futile, he made up his mind to resort to force and wrest Kandahar. At the same time he intrigued with the rulers of the Deccan to keep the Mughal army busy. Mandu, governor of Kandahar, appealed to Jehangir for help, but no effective aid could come from any direction, and the city after a long siege opened its gates to the invaders. The Saffivids held it until 1638, when the city once more changed hands and became a part of the Mughal Empire.

Shah Safi, successor of Abbas I, was a relentless tyrant who killed most of his relatives and some of the most trusted generals of his grandfather on mere suspicion. Ali Mardan Khan, the governor of Kandahar, was summoned to Isfahan, the Persian capital. Fearing that he might share the same fate, he surrendered Kandahar to a force sent by Shah Jahan.

After Safi's death in 1642, his successor Abbas II decided to recapture Kandahar. Taking advantage of a severe winter, when the passes leading to India were blocked with heavy snow and no adequate help could be expected from that quarter, he laid siege to Kandahar.


3

After a few days the city surrendered. Shah Jahan, on hearing this, made strenuous attempts to recover it, but all his efforts were of no avail. Thrice the Mughal army advanced on Kandahar and laid siege to it, but due to troubles at the Mughal Court, the siege was not pursued with vigour. Kandahar thus remained in Persian possession until the beginning of the eighteenth century, when a national rising headed by Mir Vais Khan, chief of the Hotaki tribe, a branch of the Ghilzais, liberated the province and put an end to the foreign yoke.

Shah Abbas I, was indeed a great king. He had studied the Afghan character minutely and knew that he could not keep the city without the active co-operation of the Afghans themselves. With this in view, he did everything in his power to win the affection of the people. He reduced the revenue, left the people free in their internal administration and did his best to make them forget that they were under alien rule. But the cruelty and avarice of his successors, especially those of Shah Hussein, the last of the Saffivids, soon made the Afghans to take up arms against the Persians in order to assert their independence.


4

At this time the indolence and effeminacy of the Persian Court had passed all limits of morality. Shah Hussein spent most of his time in the company of eunuchs and concubines and was a mere tool in the hands of his favourites. Contrary to the policy of his predecessors, when he learnt that the Afghans were inclined to take up arms against him, he made up his mind to extinguish by force once for all those sparks of national awakening, which, in his opinion, might ere-long blaze into flame.

At this time there was at Isfahan, the Persian capital, a Georgian prince of Bagrathioni family, Gurgin by name. He was supposed to be an administrator of unusual ability. Having been raised to the dignity of a Wali (governor) of his province, he revolted with a view to make his people free. He made a bold stand against the Shah's army in Tiflis, the capital of the province, but being deserted by most of his adherents, who were bribed by the King, he not only submitted, but embraced Islam for political reasons. The Shah was so pleased with this that he forgave him for raising the standard of revolt and loading


5

him with honours confirmed the position which he had previously held.

When the Court learnt that the Afghans of Kandahar were ripe for revolt, they at once decided to send Gurgin to Kandahar "to pacify the turbulent Afghans". Gurgin, leaving his brother, Levan Khan as his lieutenant in Georgia, proceeded immediately on his new mission with an army of twenty thousand Persians and a contingent of Georgians. On reaching there he made a diligent enquiry. Being a man of cruel disposition, he made up his mind to eradicate at the bayonet the national aspirations of the Afghans.

It is hard to believe the excesses to which the violence and cruelty of his troops reached on this occasion. It is related that the tribal chiefs in their forts, and the shepherds in their tents, were equally the victim of these outrages. They saw their forts razed to the ground, their tents burnt to ashes, their property plundered and their chiefs either killed or put into prison. The heads of the tribes met secretly to discuss ways and means to cope with the situation. Before taking active steps, they decided to send a deputation to the


6
Persian Court asking the Shah to redress their
grievances. On reaching Isfahan, the deputies
found it impossible to contact the Shah. Gurgin's
partisans, having discovered the motive of their
journey, stood in the way and hindered their
having an audience with the King.

According to ancient custom, the King of
Persia appeared in public only once a year, on the
day of Naoroz, the new year's day, when even the
humblest subjects of the Shah had free access to
him. The Afghan deputies, availing of the opport-
unity, laid their complaints before the King. But
again Gurgin's friends intervened and prevailed
upon the Shah to dismiss the deputies as mal-
contents, unworthy of royal favours.

Meanwhile, Gurgin was duly informed of
what was passing at the Persian Court. Em-
boldened by his success, he made up his mind
to punish those who, he thought to be at the root
of this national movement. Mir Vais Khan was
one of the most influential chiefs. Besides, he
held the office of Kalantar (Mayor) of the city of
Kandahar. His noble birth, his influence with
the tribes, his generosity and evidence of an


7

ambitious spirit, were reasons for his being
suspected as the author of the past disturbances.
He was therefore arrested and sent to Isfahan
under a strong escort. Gurgin, having thus
removed the thorn from his side, the only person
who he dreaded and in whom he found all the
qualifications necessary for a great leader, could
now breathe more comfortably. He put a garrison
in the citadel inside the city of Kandahar, and
satisfied with keeping his Georgians round his
person, disbanded the rest of the army.

Mir Vais Khan, far from being disappointed
by his banishment, tried to make the best of a bad
bargain. He first of all endeavoured to study the
Persians and get a first hand knowledge of the
Court, then to utilize the opportunity for the
liberation of this countrymen. The character of
the Shah was too remarkable to escape his keen
shrewd eyes. He was pleased to find him addicted
to wine and women, which made him quite
incapable of ruling his people properly. The
real power was in the hands of a few favourites
and eunuchs, who were the real disposers of the
Government posts. All offices and dignities could
be purchased and were given to those who paid


8

the highest price. Corruption was rampant in all Government departments; both high and low were given to bribes. Life was not safe and robbers infested the roads even in broad daylight.

Perhaps the Shah was the only person who was not aware of what was happening in the country. Buried in the pleasures of harem, the cries of the oppressed could hardly reach his ears.

Such was the state of affairs, when Mir Vais Khan arrived at the Persian capital as a state prisoner. The shrewd Afghan, after studying the situation minutely, made up his mind to utilize it in achieving his national aim. His first object was to come into touch with the party which was opposed to Gurgin. Soon he learnt that the king's steward and Fateh Ali Khan, the Grand Vazier, were at the head of this faction. Mir Vais Khan had little difficulty in making common cause with them. He also made use of the money which his Afghan friends had placed at his disposal in bribing the courtiers and winning them over to his side.

After these necessary steps, he approached the King with the help of his friends. He justified


his conduct with such eloquence and arguments,
that the King, not only acquitted him of the
charges levied against him by Gurgin and his
party, but was pleased to grant him his favours and
protection as well.

A man of common calibre might have been
satisfied with these successes. But to Mir Vais
Khan this was only a stepping-stone to realize his
national dreams. His eloquent speech and manly
behaviour soon enabled him to have free access
to the Shah. Mir Vais Khan now thought that
the time was ripe to strike a blow.

He always spoke of Gurgin's ability in
highest possible terms and at the same time
gave his listeners time to reflect on the valour
and prowess of such a resourceful general. He
artfully insinuated and pointed out that the
governorship of three major provinces (Georgia,
Khermania and Kandahar), with which Gurgin
was invested, rendered him very formidable. He
also reminded them of his ability in holding out
successfully against the Imperial Forces at Tiflis.
Gradually he won his way and the debauched
King and courtiers began to feel that Gurgin


10

was a dangerous person and he had removed
Mir Vais from Kandahar simply to get rid of an
influential chief, who could, by his fidelity to the
Crown, baffle his projects.

Not satisfied with these successes, Mir Vais
Khan now turned his attention towards the union
of the Afghan tribes, for he knew that without
their co-operation the execution of his exalted
designs was not possible. He had already won
the affection of his countrymen by his intelligence
and generosity, but to him this was not sufficient
for an enterprise of such magnitude. In order
to cement further the bond of union among the
various tribes, he tried to give it a religious tinge.
With this in view, he decided to go to Mecca on
pilgrimage and obtain a decree from the learned
(Ulamas), permitting him to take up arms against
the Persians and raising his revolt in the form of a
Jehad (religious war). He approached the King
to allow him to go to Mecca. The request was
granted without difficulty. Mir Vais Khan left
for Mecca and after obtaining the decree, returned
to Isfahan.

It was at this time that an ambassador from
Peter the Great arrived at the frontier post of


11

Shamikie. He was attended by a large retinue and was charged with letters from the Pope and the Emperor of Germany. This ambassador, Israil Orii by name, was by birth a Persian subject and was born at Capan, in Armenia, then a part of the Persian Empire. He claimed to be the direct descendant of the ancient kings of that province and had not resigned the rights which he thought he was entitled to, due to his birth. These reports alarmed the Shah and his courtiers. Europeans of other nationalities, who had settled in Persia, also magnified these alarms in furtherance of their own interests.

The artful insinuation of Mir Vais Khan on this occasion made a very strong impression on the Shah and his courtiers. "The State," he said, "is indeed in a most perilous situation. We are being threatened from all sides. No one can be ignorant of the fact that the Czar, whose ambitions are well-known, supports the cause of his co-religionists living on Persian soil. The ambassador must be a secret emissary, who, under the guise of a diplomatic representative, has come to sow the seeds of sedition among the royal subjects, otherwise why should an Armenian of such repute


12

be deputed for this purpose? Was it not possible
for the Czar to nominate one of his own subjects
for such a responsible post? Anyway, why should
this minister pretend to be descended from the
line of the ancient kings of Armenia, if it is not
to obtain more credit for his own cause? But
this is the least part of the danger that threatens
us at present. The real danger lies in the attempts
of the Moscovites and the Armenians to have the
warlike and brave Georgians on their side. It
is an open secret that they are well disposed
towards our enemies, and wait impatiently for
their chance to assert their independence. It is
quite obvious that they have submitted with
reluctance to a people of different religion. Have
we forgotten that only a few years ago these
people at the instigation of Gurgin Khan rose
against us? What an irony of fate, this Gurgin is
now a full-fledged governor of three major pro-
vinces! Are we ignorant of the fact that his cousin,
Sanazarli, is now at the Court of St. Petersburg,
soliciting the Czar to assist him in the liberation of
his co-religionists in Georgia? Suppose for a
moment that they all join hands against us. Can


13

the Imperial Forces cope successfully with such dangers on various fronts?"

The speech had the desired effect on the audience. None could contradict his sound arguments. The Shah and his courtiers were so horrified as to beseech Mir Vais Khan to go to Kandahar at once and keep a vigilant watch over Gurgin, and use his influence to frustrate his schemes in case he was planning mischief.

Mir Vais Khan, availing himself of this golden opportunity, returned to Kandahar and was again appointed as the chief of his tribe. Shortly afterwards he improved his relations with Gurgin. They often met each other and even dined together. When Mir Vais Khan saw that Gurgin no longer suspected him, he invited him to a feast arranged in his fort at Kohkran, a few miles outside the city of Kandahar. Gurgin, ignorant of the conspiracy afoot, gladly accepted the invitation, and at the appointed time repaired to Mir Vais Khan's fort, accompanied by a few officers and an escort of about two hundred men. A sumptuous feast was arranged and best available liquors were provided. After lunch the Persians retired for a short rest. It was the time for Mir


14

Vais Khan to avenge his grievances. The Persians, caught unaware, could not offer any resistance, and were consequently killed to a man.

In the evening Mir Vais Khan, accompanied by his friends and followers, in the garb of Persians, approached Kandahar. The guards on duty, taking them for Gurgin and his retinue, opened the gate. The Afghans first of all made themselves masters of the gates, and then, sword in hand, fell upon the bewildered garrison from all sides. Few could escape from this wholesale slaughter. Kandahar was rescued from foreign yoke.

Mir Vais Khan (1708—1715).—Mir Vais Khan took the reins of Government of Kandahar in his own hands without assuming the royal title. He was content to be called the Mushar (chief) of his people. Subsequent Persian expeditions failed to recapture Kandahar, and Mir Wais was left in full possession of the whole province, which he ruled admirably for a period of seven years (from 1708 to 1715). He died in 1715, and was buried at Kohkran, not far from Kandahar, where his tomb stands to this day.


15

It had fallen into ruins and was rebuilt during the
reign of King Mohammed Nadir Shah-i-Shahid.

Shah Mahmud (1716—1725).—Mir Vais Khan
left two sons behind, Mir Mahmud and Mir
Hussein, who were both of tender age. The
elders of the tribe therefore elected Abdul Aziz,
the deceased Khan's brother, to the throne. But
he proved to be a coward. Thinking that it was
impossible to hold his own against the two
powerful neighbours at one and the same time,
he decided to side with Persians and submit his
allegiance to the Shah. Mir Mahmud, though
he was only 18 at the time, could not see the
efforts of his illustrious father thus thrown to
the winds. He consulted some of the faithful
followers of his father on this point. They all
agreed with him and promised whole-hearted
help. Whereupon he rose against his uncle, and
entering the royal palace, killed him with his
own hand and ascended the throne with the title
of Shah.

At this time the Abdalis of Herat, encouraged
by the successes of the Hotakis at Kandahar, took
up arms and killed the Persian Governor of Herat
and declared their independence. The Persian


16

army suffered reverse after reverse at the hands of Assadullah Khan, the Abdalis' leader. At last a decisive battle was fought at Kafir Killa (modern Islam Killa), on the Perso-Afghan border, which resulted in the complete rout of the Persian forces and the Abdalis of Herat were left to look after their affairs themselves.

Shah Mahmud was not content with the possession of Kandahar. Being young and ambitious he aspired to be a great king. In 1720 he entered the Persian territory and advanced as far as Kerman. Encouraged by these initial successes, he resolved to plunge right into the heart of Persia and strike at once at the centre of the Government, which had oppressed his people for many years. In 1722, at the head of some 20,000 men, he made straight for Isfahan, the Persian capital. No serious resistance was offered until he reached the suburbs of that city. The degenerate Persian Government was under the impression that the Afghans, after raiding some of the frontier posts, would return to their native land. But now they were disillusioned and realized the seriousness of the situation. An army, some 60,000 in number, admirably


MIR MAHMUD HOTAKI
King of Kandahar & Emperor of Persia
1716—1725


[BLANK PAGE]


17

equipped and armed with heavy guns, marched out to meet the Afghans in the open field. On the 8th of March 1722, the two armies came face to face on the plains of Gulnabad, some twelve miles east of the capital. The Afghans were ill-equipped and their number against that of the enemy was as one to three. Moreover, the long and tiring journey through the most inhospitable part of Persia had told unfavourably on their health. But they were men of character and resolution and had come all that way with the determination to conquer or die. They knew very well that in case of defeat none would be able to reach his motherland. They, therefore, fought with unusual courage. The Persians, after an initial success, were put to rout. The Afghans, following at their heels, laid siege to the capital.

Isfahan had at this time attained the height of its magnificence and glory, and had a population of over 6,00,000. It was well-fortified, protected with a heavy wall and a deep ditch. The Afghans, equipped as they were with primitive weapons, were unable to assault it. They, therefore, resolved to intercept the supplies. It seemed a wild project to


18
blockade a city of such magnitude with less than
20,000 men. Yet so well did Mahmud com-
pensate for the lack of manpower by his
vigilance and activity that before long the
inhabitants began to suffer all the horrors of an
acute famine. At length, after repeated sallies
had been beaten back with great loss in men
and material, and all attempts of troops from
the provinces to pierce the Afghan line and force
a convoy of food into the beleagured city had
failed, the necessity of surrender became more
apparent. Finally after a siege of eight months,
the Shah, accompanied by his courtiers and
high-ranking officers, came out of the city and
surrendered himself to Mahmud at Farahabad,
the headquarters of the Afghans. The Shah
with his own hand placed the diadem on the
head of the conqueror and gave him the keys of
the city.
Shah Mahmud in the beginning of his reign
in Persia showed qualities of a good statesman.
The moment he became the master of the capital,
he tried his best to relieve the inhabitants of the
miseries of famine. His next care was to establish


19

confidence among his new subjects. It is to
his credit that he succeeded in both of these
high ideals admirably. Then he turned his
attention towards the administration of the
newly-acquired country. It appeared to him
rather dangerous to trust the Persians blindly
and to leave them in charge of all Government
offices. He could not appoint his own men to
stations with which they were totally unac-
quainted. So he adopted a middle course. He
allowed the Persians to continue in their
office, but nominated a supervisor from among
his own people in each department to look after
the work. By this arrangement he had the
advantage of experience of the one and the
fidelity of the other. He punished those of the
Persian officers who had turned traitors to their
king and failed to stand by him at the time of
difficulty. Even those, who were in secret
correspondence with him during the siege, were
severely punished for their treachery, while the
chiefs who had remained loyal and faithful to
their King, were kindly treated and amply
rewarded. He appointed an Afghan of singular


20

piety and uprightness as the Chief Judge of the
city.
The same considerations, which made
Mahmud endeavour to conciliate the good opinion
of his new subjects, induced him to grant every
encouragement to the foreigners settled in Persia.
Several Europeans of different nationalities had
at this period factories at Isfahan and Bandar
Abbas. They were confirmed in all their privi-
leges. Even the Christian missionaries were
allowed full liberty to perform publicly the
duties of their religion. But unfortunately this
fair prospect was soon clouded when Mahmud
found that the Persians were conspiring against
him in every part of the country. This led him
to rule with an iron hand. Moreover, he soon
found himself face to face with innumerable
difficulties at the hands of his own colleagues and
trusted friends, who wanted to establish inde-
pendent principalities in different parts of the
conquered country. This dissension of the
Afghan chiefs was one of the chief causes that
contributed to the fall of the Afghan rule in
Persia. It gave a chance to the Persians to join
hands and make a united effort to oust the


21

Afghans from their soil. They gathered round Prince Tahmasap, the eldest son of Shah Hussein. Another danger which threatened the Afghan rule in Persia came from the two neighbouring powers—the Turks and the Russians, who wanted to avail themselves of the opportunity and lay their hands on a part of Persia.

Soon after taking Isfahan, Mahmud sent Amanullah Khan, one of his trusted friends, to attack Kazwin, where Prince Tahmasap was busy collecting a large force. Amanullah marched through deep snow and succeeded in dispersing the Persian contingent. On his way to Kazwin he took Kashan and Kum without much difficulty. The joy, which the news of this easy victory gave to Mahmud was, however, marred by the report, which reached him at the same moment that Mulla Musa, one of his generals, whom he had sent with a convoy of treasure amounting to 150,000 tumans to Kandahar for the purpose of raising fresh levies among the Afghan tribes, had been attacked, defeated and plundered by Mirza Ismail, the Governor of the petty fortress of Banda in Seistan. Shah Mahmud was also embarrassed at this period by a message


22

from Peter the Great, which demanded that he should make good the losses that the Russian nationals had suffered at the hands of some frontier tribes. By this protest and the demand of redress for the losses, which it was pretended the Russians had sustained on the Persian frontiers, the Czar wished to take advantage of the confused condition of Persia and if possible to lay his hands firmly on the Persian provinces bordering the Caspian Sea. Soon after, when he was told by Mahmud that as yet he had no control over the Uzbeks and Lazakis living in that part of the country, the Czar collected a force of 30,000 of his best soldiers, which was reinforced by some Cossacks and Kamlucks at Astracan. On 22nd July 1723, he sailed down from the Volga, reaching the coast of Daghistan on the 4th of August. His first step was to issue a declaration purporting that he had no aggressive designs of any kind but wanted to protect the rights of his subjects carrying on fair business in that part of the country. He proceeded along the coast, defeated some chiefs, by whom he was opposed, and took possession of Darband. After leaving 2,000 Russian troops


23

to garrison the citadel, Peter returned to Astracan with his main army to pass winter, having at the same time expressed his intention to prosecute his plans when the weather permitted.

While the Russians were threatening the north-western part of Persia, the Turks also hastened to have a share in the loot. A large army was collected on the western border, which made Hamadan its first goal. The distracting news from every quarter was most disturbing and had a deep impression on Mahmud's mind. Soon after he learned that as a result of an insurrection at Kazwin, Amanullah was forced to quit the city and retreat towards Isfahan with the remnant of his force. The army, already greatly diminished in number, suffered so heavily on the way from the severity of the weather, that not more than half of the men could reach the capital.

The Kazwinis were of Turkish origin. Hardy and robust, they were remarkable for having preserved the rude and ungovernable spirit of their ancestors. One evening the heads of the tribes met secretly and the next morning a


24

signal for a general resurrection was given. The Afghans, unaware of the plot afoot, were attacked in every quarter. Amanullah, on learning of the news, hastened to the Maidan, an open ground, in front of the palace where he found most of his men assembled. He made every effort that a brave soldier could, to control the situation, but he was overpowered by numbers and compelled to call a retreat and take shelter in the palace. Even there he could not maintain himself, and escaped by a private gate. The loss of the Afghans, both in men and material, was immense.

Ashraff, son of Abdul Aziz, and a cousin of Mahmud, who had accompanied Amanullah on this expedition, now finding Mahmud's star decline, separated from the army during its retreat and left for Kandahar with about 300 men. He appears to have anticipated the downfall of Mahmud. Moreover, he had a personal grudge against Mahmud. It was he who had killed his father. Ashraff now thought that the time was ripe for him to avenge his grievances.

The example of Kazwin was soon followed


25

by several other towns. The disheartened Afghans
returned to Isfahan from every quarter. When
Mahmud heard of these occurrences all over
the country, he feared lest Isfahan might
share the same fate. He had not sufficient
troops at his command. His army was
reduced to about 15,000 men, while the male
population of Isfahan and its suburbs was still
in proportion of more than 20 to 1 to the
Afghans. The probable revolt of the capital
seemed the most immediate danger, so Mahmud
resolved to have recourse to strict measures in
order to safeguard his position. He arrested
some of the Persian nobles and put them under
strong custody. He then recruited many Kurds
in his army, because he could get little help from
Kandahar at this critical juncture. Aided by
these new levies, Mahmud now made every
effort to make himself master of the principal
cities of southern Persia. He had little difficulty
in reducing Kelpaigan, Khwansar and Kashan.
Nassarullah Gabr, who had joined Mahmud in
Kirman when he first entered Persia, was now
employed to conquer the province of Fars. He
succeeded in subduing almost every town in that


26

area except the capital, Shiraz, which made a bold stand. In an attack on that city he was mortally wounded. The death of this brave general at this critical time was a great loss to the Afghans. Mahmud mourned his death deeply and was struck with a severe grief.

The command of troops in Fars was then given to Zabardast Khan, an Afghan officer of renown, who had risen by his courage and conduct to this high post in the army. Soon after his arrival before Shiraz, a younger brother of Abdullah, the Wali of Arabia, endeavoured to defend the city. But in one of the battles he lost his life, and the garrison lost heart and, finding no further prospect of relief from any quarter, capitulated (13th April 1724).

Zabardast Khan then despatched a contingent to reduce Bandar Abbas. This expedition had some initial success but in the end he was forced to return on account of the inclemency of the weather. Fortunately, at this moment a long expected batch of recruits arrived from Kandahar, but the number was small. The mother of Mahmud also came with this caravan. The


27

Persians, accustomed to pomp and show, were astonished to see the mother of their sovereign riding astride on a camel without a veil and passing through the streets of Isfahan.

But the situation did not improve. Rumours were afoot amongst the Afghan soldiers that Mahmud was too friendly to foreigners, was neglecting his old comrades, who had stood by him in many a battle field, and that he had not only adopted the manners and customs of the Persians, but was secretly inclined to Shiaism. These reports were on the increase in the army. To add to his embarrassment, the two principal Afghan chiefs, Ashraff and Assadullah, had turned against him and were the cause of spreading these false reports. Mahmud was ultimately forced by his soldiers to recall the former from Kandahar and nominate him his successor. The latter had also left him and returned to Kandahar. Though a reconciliation took place, but it was not sincere.

Ashraff, his cousin, never forgave Mahmud for the murder of his father. He had always been a thorn in Mahmud's side and was jealous of his success. But Ashraff was very popular


28

with the Afghan soldiers and Mahmud was afraid of incurring the wrath of his own people if an action was taken against him. At one time he thought that he had an opportunity to ruin his cousin. During the siege of Isfahan, Ashraf was given a post. It was through his defence line that Tahmasap Mirza, the eldest son of Sultan Hussein, had effected his escape from Isfahan. Mahmud endeavoured to fan the ill-will of his people towards him by accusing Ashraff of cowardice and treachery. But the latter defended himself in an artful manner characteristic of his nation. He proved that his authority had been so circumscribed and weakened that it was impossible for him to oppose the superior force by which he was attacked. It was established by irrefutable evidence that he had done all that he could do to prevent the prince's escape, but those were to be blamed who had sent the men under his command to another quarter. He was acquitted of the charge by the unanimous votes of the assembled chiefs, and Mahmud had the mortification to see his plan frustrated. He thus enhanced the popularity and reputation of his opponent.


29

Under the stress of these difficulties and worries Mahmud proved unequal to the task. He decided to retire from wordly life and seek mental consolation in seclusion. He chose a dark underground vault for his extraordinary penance, and during the fourteen or fifteen days that he remained there he took practically no food which reduced him to a mere skeleton and resulted in his mental derangement. When he at last came out into daylight, his face was shrunken and pale, his body emaciated, and the wild stare of his eyes clearly showed that he had not been able to stand the severe strain to which he had exposed his body. He became so restless and suspicious of himself that he could hardly allow any one of his loyal and trusted friends to approach him, who he thought had come to take his life. Gradually his mind became completely deranged and he went mad, tearing off his own flesh and eating it. The physicians tried in vain to restore him to health, but the malady increased daily. The Afghans, who were being threatened from all sides, were forced to elect Ashraff to be their ruler even before Mahmud expired. He died shortly afterwards.


30
striken with a most dreadful insanity. Some people are of the opinion that he was smothered to death by his cousin, Ashraff. Thus passed away the conqueror of Persia in the prime of his youth, for he was hardly twenty-seven at the time of his death. He was on the throne of Persia for the brief period of three years only.
Mahmud was a brave soldier and a great conqueror. A greater conquest could not be achieved with the means at his disposal. All his weaknesses were atoned for by his energy and personal valour. He is said to have taken pride in being a strict observer of his word, when that was pledged. But from the very beginning of his reign in Persia, he was beset with innumerable difficulties. He surmounted most of them by sheer courage, but he could not withstand the jealousies and intrigues of his own kith and kin. This indeed broke his heart and turned him mad.
Shah Ashraff (1725—1730). Mahmud was succeeded by his cousin, Ashraff, a man of talent and energy. But he came to power at a very critical time, when the Afghans in Persia were being threatened on all sides. The Russians were active in the north, while the Turks were


31

encroaching up on the Persian soil from the west. These two powers ultimately decided to divide Persia between themselves. The western provinces, according to this undersanding were to belong to the Turks, while the northern ones as far as the Araxes were to be the property of Russia.

Prince Tahmasap since a long time was negotiating with the Porte and the Czar to help him in his struggle against the Afghans. Ismail Beg, one of his envoys reached St. Petersburg for this purpose and succeeded in concluding a treaty, by which it was stipulated that the Emperor of Russia would expel the Afghans from Persia and help Tahmasap in the restoration of his throne. In return for these services the Prince agreed to cede in perpetuity to Russia the towns of Darband and Baku, with the provinces of Daghistan, Shirwan, Gilan, Mazindaran and Astarabad. While these negotiations were going on in St. Petersburg, the Turks, availing of the opportunity, were extending their conquests at the cost of Persia. Kurdistan had acknowledged their authority, and the fall of Irwan, Khui, Nakhjawan and Maragha made them masters of


32

the whole of Armenia and the greater part of Azarbaijan. After these conquests, the Turks advanced on Tabriz. Meanwhile, a second Turkish army, under the command of Ahmad Pasha, had reached within a few miles of Isfahan, the Persian capital. At this time a partition treaty regarding the north-western provinces of Persia was concluded between its two neighbours—the Porte and the Czar. The boundaries of the Russian provinces in Persia were fixed by a line, which gave that State the command of all the Persian provinces bordering the Caspian Sea, from the country of the Turkomans to the conflux of the rivers Kars and Araxes. The possessions of Turkey were defined by a line, which commenced from the latter point and stretching to within three miles of Ardabil, went from Tabriz to Hamadan, and from thence to Kirmanshah. These provinces were mutually guaranteed to each other by the contracting parties, and it was stipulated that, if Prince Tahmasap agreed to the terms, he would receive such aid as to enable him to re-establish his authority over the remaining provinces of Persia, and if he refused his assent, they determined to seize the whole of


33

Persia and provide for the future tranquillity of
the country by helping some one whom they
might think most deserving to the Persian throne.
Ashraff thus in the very beginning of his
reign found himself confronted with powerful
enemies on all sides. But he dreaded the
turbulent Afghan chiefs most of all and made
up his mind to get rid of them before turning
his attention to foreign aggression. His first
measure was to put to death Ilyas the leader
of the guards and the ambitious and haughty
Assadullah and several other Afghan chiefs whose
influence he dreaded. But through this rash act
he lost the sympathy and co-operation of some
of his best friends. After feeling secure from
internal trouble by these drastic measures,
Ashraff turned his attention towards the Turks,
who by this time had made themselve master
of all the provinces assigned to them by the
partition treaty. Ashraff sent an embassy to
Constantinople protesting against the horrible
crime of conspiring with a Christian power against
their co-religionists and making war upon a Sunni
monarch simply to restore a Shia dynasty to
power. The Court was not a little embarrassed


34

by the voice of these Ulamas (the learned). The
Turks tried in vain to satisfy the Ulama's that
the alliance with Russia was dictated by
necessity, and that Ashraff had placed himself
in the position of an enemy by refusing to
acknowledge the supremacy of the Turkish
Emperor as the religious head of all the Muslims.
They asserted that if Ashraff was a true Muslim,
he should come forward and tender his allegiance
to the Porte.

Soon after the Afghan deputies left Con-
stantinople, hostilities began. Ahmad Pasha,
who by now had made himself master of
Maragha and Kazwin, advanced towards Isfahan.
When Ashraff learnt that in spite of his protests
a large Turkish army was heading towards
Isfahan, he laid waste the country through which
the Turks were advancing. Then collecting all
the forces that he could command, he moved in
that direction with the avowed object of impeding
their progress. A detachment of 2,000 Turks,
who had lost its way, came face to face with the
main Afghan force, led by Ashraff himself. The
Turks were all cut to pieces before any substantial
help could reach them. This success gave


35

immense confidence to the Afghan troops and greatly discouraged their enemies. The Turkish general, on hearing the news of this disaster, immediately called a halt and enclosed his camp with strong entrenchments. Ashraff, on approaching nearer, once more made an effort to evade the war and to persuade the Turks that he had no ill-feeling towards them and that the war between the two Muslim countries was unlawful and ruinous to both of them. At the same time his private emmissaries were actively employed in disseminating these ideas in the Turkish army and in winning over to his side the Kurdish regiment, who were staunch Muslims. Not content with this, Ashraff decided to send a second deputation of Ulamas, who were venerable for their age as well as character, to the Turkish camp, who called upon them to desist from a war of aggression on a Muslim State. The speech of one of these deputies made a great impression on the Turkish soldiery, and Ahmad Pasha, seeing this, interrupted him by saying, "I have come here by the express command of my sovereign, who is not only a temporal monarch, but the true successor of the Caliphs, and con-


36

sequently the spiritual leader of all the orthodox Muslims. Ashraff must acknowledge him as such or he would bow to the force of arms".

Before the conference had terminated, the call for prayers was heard, and the venerable deputies of Ashraff joined the Turks in their devotions. After this the deputies returned to their camp. As was expected the mission had the desired effect on the Turkish army. A large body of the Kurds, accompanied by some Turkish soldiers, coming out of the line, declared that they were not prepared to fight against the dictates of their conscience and the explicit laws of their religion. Ahmad Pasha saw that he had no remedy to prevent discontent from spreading in his army except by hastening an action. To this he was further encouraged by his great superiority in numbers; his army consisted of 60,000 men, equipped with 70 pieces of heavy guns, while the Afghans had not more than half of this force and their artillery consisted of 40 Zamburaks (shivels mounted on camels). Ahmad was confident of his victory in every respect although so far he had not a chance to test the mettle of his opponents. In the engagement that followed,


37

the Afghans, in spite of their inferiority in number
as well as in equipment, fought with such valour
that the Turks were completely defeated, leaving
more than 12,000 dead on the battle-field. The
rout would have been complete, had Ashraff not
ordered his men to desist from the pursuit of an
enemy with whom he desired peace and wanted
to live on the most amicable terms.

The Turkish general after his defeat was
obliged to retreat hurriedly towards Kirmanshah.
He was in such a haste that he left a part of his
artillery and almost all his luggage on the battle-
field. Ashraff did not even allow his men to
plunder the stragglers. When Ahmad Pasha
left Kirmanshah and fell back on Bhaghdad, the
Afghan Prince sent another deputation to his camp
with the message that he did not consider the
spoils he had taken from his misguided co-religio-
nists as lawful to himself or to his friends.
Moreover he considered himself a prince and not
a robber. Ahmad might send for his treasures
and property, and that everything belonging to
him and to those under his command, except
arms, would be scrupulously restored. Ashraff
not only performed faithfully what he had pro-


38

mised, but set free all the prisoners he had made during the war. By this wise moderation and a brilliant stroke of diplomacy, he won the hearts of his enemy and became so popular with them that the Court of Constantinople was compelled to conclude a treaty of peace with the Afghans, by which it was stipulated that Ashraff would acknowledge the Porte as the spiritual head of the Muslims all over, in return for which he was to be recognized as Shah of Persia. Ashraff, thus by his valour and diplomacy, won a great victory and became popular throughout the Muslim world. He now found leisure to turn his immediate attention to other pressing affairs.

He made an unsuccessful attempt to obtain possession of Kandahar, which was held by Mir Hussein, Mahmud's brother. This led to a division among the Ghilzai Afghans. Those, who were left in Persia were deprived of, in future, any reinforcement by the home tribes. Malik Mahmud, the governor of Seistan also hailing the opportunity, proclaimed himself king. Ashraff, in spite of his great victory over the Turks, found his kingdom rapidly falling to pieces. No help could come from Kandahar. He must rely on


39

those of his own tribe who were left in Persia and whose number was fast dwindling. No doubt he possessed great personal courage and was active and vigilant too, but it so appeared that every thing was going against him. He repented his past rash actions which had deprived him of the services of some of his trusted friends.

The Saffavid Prince, Tahmasap, who after the fall of the capital, had escaped to Mazindaran fixed his headquarters at Farahabad. It was here that he was joined by Nadir Kuli, a soldier of fortune, who had been successful in wresting the district of Nishapur from the Abdali Afghans. Encouraged by these successes, Nadir now made up his mind to join hands with Tahmasap with the intention of expelling the Ghilzais from Persia. He entered into an agreement with the Prince whereby the latter undertook to grant Nadir in fief the provinces of Khurasan, Kirman and Mazindaran after the Afghans were driven out of Persia. The new force encouraged the Prince to take the offensive. Their first objective was Meshad, then in the hands of the Abdalis. Both marched that way and took Meshad without much difficulty. Ashraff was greatly alarmed on hearing this dis-


40

tracting news. He collected all his troops and hastened to the north to attack the Persians. Nadir and Tahmasap, who were busy in Khurasan, were forced to return to relieve Samnan besieged by Ashraff. Saidal Khan, one of the Afghan generals, advanced eastwards to meet Nadir. After an unsuccessful attempt at Bistam, Saidal fell back as far as Mihmandust, 12 miles north-east of Damaghan. It was here that he was joined by Ashraff. At this place a battle took place on the 2nd of October, 1729, that decided the fate of Persia. Ashraff found the enemy strongly entrenched. The Afghans, though exhausted by the long and tiresome journey, could not desist from the temptation of instantly attacking the Persians in their strong position. They impetuously charged the enemy's centre and then attacked the flanks. The Persians received the shock calmly; they staggered but did not give way. The Afghans made a second assault, many fell, the rest pressed on, but the main Persian army stood their ground unflinchingly. Much havoc was caused by their artillery, which destroyed the Afghan Zamburaks and inflicted heavy casualties on the soldiers.


MIR HUSSEIN HOTAKI
King of Kandahar
1725—1738


[BLANK PAGE]


41

Unfortunately, at this critical moment, Ashraff's standard-bearer was accidentally killed, and the Afghans were so disheartened to see this that they fell back, hotly pursued by the enemy. The Afghan losses were estimated at 12,000 and those of the Persians at 4,000.

Ashraff made an unsuccessful attempt with a view to waylay the enemy in the narrow defile of the Khar valley. Once more his tactics failed. The Afghans were routed and leaving their cannon and baggage behind retreated towards Isfahan.

The moment Ashraff arrived at the Capital, he ordered his men to repair, with their families and household effects, to the fort which he had built outside the city. Nadir, leaving the Prince behind, advanced against Ashraff. He found the Afghans strongly entrenched at a place called Murchakhur. He did not venture to attack them in their strong position, but advanced towards the Capital, with the intention of luring the enemy out of their haunt. As he had expected, the Afghans advanced to attack them from behind. The Persians turned round to


42

meet the oncoming Afghans. A hand-to-hand
battle ensued in which fortune once more
favoured the Persians. The Afghans leaving
about 4,000 dead on the battle-field, fled into
the city of Isfahan. But finding their position
untenable even there, they departed before day-
break with all the members of their families.
Nadir, marching from Murchakhur, entered the
city triumphantly on the 16th of November, 1729.
One of his first acts was to make a diligent search
for the Afghans. All those who were found were
ruthlessly massacred. The lofty mausoleum of
Shah Mahmud was levelled to the ground in an
instant. The Afghan's line of retreat could be
easily traced by the dead horses and camels they
had left on the roads, and by the slaughtered
old men, women and children, who, unable to
keep up the pace of the flight, had been executed
by their own relatives and friends to prevent
their falling into the hands of their ruthless
enemy.

On the 24th of December Nadir came out of
Isfahan with a view to pursue the Afghans, who
were heading for Shiraz. At Zarqan, 21 miles
north-east of Shiraz, he found Ashraff awaiting


43

him with a small number of his faithful followers. Another engagement took place, in which Ashraff displayed unusual courage. Once more Nadir won the day, and the Afghans retreated in great confusion towards Shiraz.

Ashraff did not stop long at Shiraz. With such of his followers as were left, he endeavoured to reach his native-land via Seistan. Nadir again started the pursuit of the fugitive monarch. A fight took place at the Pul-i-Fasa, ten miles south-east of Shiraz, in which a number of the Afghans were captured, while many others were driven into the river and drowned. Ashraff, however, made good his escape. Nadir himself followed him, but finding that he was unable to overtake him, returned to Shiraz.

Ashraff, accompanied by a few faithful friends continued his journey in an easterly direction. Their numbers dwindled rapidly. Historians differ as to how this fugitive Prince met his end. Some surmise that he was at last recognised by a Baluch chief (one of the sons of Abdullah Khan), who at once slew him in the hope of getting a reward from Nadir. Others are of the opinion


44

that he had been put to death by a force which Mir Hussein of Kandahar had dispatched to intercept him. Thus ended in disaster the Afghan rule in Persia. Few of the Afghans escaped death, and hardly any one reached Kandahar.
Such was the end of this tragic episode. Many are the causes which have been ascribed to the fall of the Afghans in Persia. Foremost among these being that the Afghans could not forget their mutual jealousies even in a foreign land. Moreover, they were averse to emigration, which is essential for the permanent occupation of a foreign land. During their rule in Persia, their strength lay solely in a small armed force. Removed from their home by hundreds of miles, they did not have adequate support of their brethren in the event of a misfortune.

NADIR SHAH

Nadir Kuli, or as he is better known, Nadir Shah of Persia, after occupying Isfahan, seated Mirza Tahmasap on the throne, although the real power was in his own hands. He also held four provinces of the Empire, viz., Khurasan, Mazindaran, Seistan and Kirman, directly as his


45
fief and was allowed to assume the title of Sultan.
Then he marched against the Turks and captured
Hamadan, Kirmanshah and Tabriz.

At this juncture, he got the news that the
Abdalis of Herat were besieging Meshad. Nadir
marched eastward at the head of a strong force.
Zulfikar Khan, son of Mohammed Zaman Khan
and brother of Ahmad Khan (later Ahmad Shah
Abdali or Durrani) appealed to Sultan Hussein
of Kandahar for help. A force of 3,000 Ghilzais
under Saidal Khan came to his support. Seven
miles west of Herat an action took place. Saidal,
the Ghilzai Chief, made a surprise night attack
on the Persian camp. Nadir, with only eight
men, was cut off from the rest of his army in a
small tower. This would have been the end of
his military career, but no one recognized him
and the golden opportunity was allowed to slip
away.

Having received re-inforcements shortly after-
wards, Nadir once more took the offensive and
marched on Herat. The besieged fought des-
parately, but dissensions in their camp forced
them to sue for peace. Nadir treated the


46

vanquished very kindly in the hope of winning them over to his side.

While Nadir was thus employed in the east, the Persian nobles of Isfahan persuaded the weak Tahmasap to place himself at the head of a large army, and march against the Turks, who were again assembling at the frontier. But he met a severe setback and lost in one month all that Nadir had gained during the previous years. He concluded a hasty treaty and ceded some of the western provinces to the Turks.

When Nadir learnt of this humiliating peace, he thought that it afforded him an excellent pretext for the realisation of projects which he had so long cherished. Repairing to Isfahan, he deposed Tehmasap and seated upon the throne his infant son, Abbas, with himself as regent. The time did not appear to be ripe for Nadir to place himself on the throne. Then at the head of a large army he marched to attack the Turks. After repeated victories over the Turks and the recovery of lost territories, he formally assumed the title of King of Persia (1736). At Moghan by the unanimous voice of the representatives of


the army, he was offered the crown of Persia,
which after some feigned reluctance, he accepted
on the condition that the Shia religion be replaced
by the Sunni doctrine.

Soon after his elevation to the throne, Nadir
marched to Isfahan, and the short time he spent
there, was devoted to military preparations.
From the time Nadir was able to overthrow the
Afghan rule in Persia, he was thinking to conquer
Kandahar. He sent orders to the Governor of
Isfahan to make a levy of 18,000 tomans as a
contribution towards the cost of the coming
expedition. At the same time his agents were
busy at different places requisitioning provisions
for the troops. They carried their duties so
rigorously that the inhabitants were reduced to
utmost misery. In the province of Kirman people
were so deprived of their supplies that there was
a famine which lasted for seven long years.

After strong preparations Nadir advanced on
Kandahar with an army of 80,000 men. He
passed through Khurasan and Seistan, meeting
no resistance on his way. But when he arrived
at Kandahar, he found that its defences were too


48

formidable to give him hope of its early surrender. He was forced to adopt blockading methods. He ordered to build a new city in the vicinity of Kandahar and called it Nadir-Abad to quarter his army, as he was sure that the siege would last several months. One of his generals, Imam Ali Beg, advanced against Kilat-i-Ghilzai, which fell after a stubborn siege of two months. It was here that General Saidal Khan and a number of other Ghilzai leaders fell into the hands of the Persians. Nadir ordered that Saidal Khan be deprived of his sight, for he looked upon him as a dangerous foe.

Nadir gave orders to build towers all around the city of Kandahar, and connecting them with small batteries in such a way, that the intercourse of the besieged with the country outside was completely cut off. In spite of these measures, the city held out for full one year. Nadir was then forced to change his tactics. The city of Kandahar stood on the face of a hill, and a wall ran all round it, fortified by a large number of bastions. The Persians made themselves masters of some of the most commanding eminences and from there they bombarded the city. Mean-


49

while, the Bakhtiyaris took some of the principal towers. But the Afghans still held out in a detached fort with their leader, Mir Hussein, who made desperate efforts to drive the Persians back. But is was too late.

On learning that Nadir had brought his heavy cannon to bombard the citadel, Mir Hussein decided to surrender.

Nadir treated the Ghilzais very kindly and enlisted many of them in his army. Mir Hussein with his family and followers was sent to Mazandaran as prisoner. Nadir found imprisoned in Kandahar two Abdali brothers, Zulfikar Khan and Ahmad Khan. They had fled from Herat to seek shelter in Kandahar, but Mir Hussein threw them into prison. Nadir treated the two brothers very kindly. They were also sent to Mazandaran.

The fall of Kandahar (March, 1738) brought Nadir very near to the frontier of the Mughal Empire. The tottering Mughal Monarchy of Hindustan could not escape his keen eyes. The Court of Delhi at the time was too much engrossed in its own internal affairs, to look beyond its borders. Even when Nadir invaded their territories and took Kabul, they


50

still expected that the mountain tribes would be able to check his advance towards India. But the tribes had no sympathies either with the Mughals or with the Persians. They were only looking forward to the day when they would be able to throw off the foreign yoke. They there-fore, decided to keep aloof and watch the course of events from a distance. The Mughals soon learnt with dismay that Nadir had crossed the passes and was successful in throwing a bridge across the Indus.

Nadir did not meet any effective resistance until he reached the Jamna. His progress was rapid, and the governors on the way tendered their submission without resistance. Mohammed Shah, the Mughal Emperor, was at last obliged to check the advance of the invading force. He came out of Delhi at the head of a large army. The two armies came face to face at Karnal, twenty miles north of Panipat, on the fateful morning of the 24th February, 1739. The Indians, torn by mutual jealousies, were no match for the hardy and experienced soldiers led by Nadir in person. It was all over within a few hours. The Mughal army were completely routed; Khan


51

Dauran, the Commander-in-Chief, was mortally wounded, and his brother, son and many other notables were among the slain. It is estimated that the Indians lost no less than 10,000 men, while the losses of the Persians were 2,500 killed and 500 wounded. Mohammed Shah had no alternative but to sue for peace. He therefore, decided to send Asif Jah to the Persian camp to negotiate peace-terms. Shortly afterwards the Emperor himself repaired to the Persian camp attended by his nobles. Nadir outwardly treated him with every mark of respect, but the Emperor henceforth was in reality a prisoner of war. Nadir pressing his advantage, marched towards Delhi on the 12th of March accompanied by the Emperor.

On entering the capital, Nadir took up his headquarters in the palace built by Shah Jahan. The day after his arrival (21st of March) the Khutba was read in his name. Towards the close of the day false rumours found circulation that Nadir was dead ; other reports were that he had been imprisoned by the Emperor. The Indians carried away by excitement fell upon the Persians, who were stationed in different parts of the


52

town. Many of the Kizilbash troops were taken
by surprise and cut to pieces. The Indian
nobles, on hearing the rumour, fell upon the
Persian guards who had been sent to protect
their property.

Nadir at first refused to believe the report of
disturbances. He ordered one of his men
to go out and ascertain the true state of affairs.
No sooner did he come out of the fort than
he was killed by the angry mob. A second man
sent after him met the same fate. The darkness
of night prevented Nadir from taking immediate
action. Next morning he mounted his horse
and, with a strong escort, riding through the city
came to the golden mosque in order to study the
situation. He himself was assaulted. Someone
fired at him from a window. The bullet missed
Nadir, but killed one of his chief officers beside
him. Enraged at this unusual audacity he gave
orders of a general massacre of the inhabitants.
The slaughter and loot continued to rage from
sunrise till long after mid-day. The city was set
on fire in several places, and it soon became a
horrible scene of destruction, blood and terror.
No distinction was made between the guilty and


the innocent, men and women, old and young.
At last the Emperor himself was forced to inter-
cede on behalf of his people through Asif-Jah, who
with dangling sword in his neck, is said to have
spoken to the tyrant in these words: “None has
survived the general massacre. If still the
greed of your soldiers is not satiated and they
are bent on continuing their gruesome work,
you have to revive the dead first so that,
you may be in a position to kill them again.”
(Zindakuni wa baz kushi). Nadir, accepting
his request, gave an order to his soldiers to refrain
from further action which, to his credit, was
instantly obeyed.

Nadir now began to exact his tribute of
money and Jewels. The possessions of the
nobles and wealthy merchants were con-
fiscated. Out of this he richly rewarded his
officers and men and dispatched a firman to
Persia exempting all the provinces from taxation
for three years.

The work of collecting levy on the citizens
took sometime. When all returns were com-
plete and Nadir had taken possession of the
imperial treasures and jewels, including the


54

famous peacock throne, the aggregate value of which is (estimated at 700,000,000, rupees) he rode through the streets of Delhi on his way to Persia (16th May). Before leaving the city he concluded a treaty with Mohammed Shah, by which all the country west of the Indus was ceded to him. The Persian troops suffered much on their return from India by the intense heat to which they were exposed. Besides, their homeward journey was intercepted by the incessant attacks of the Afghan mountaineers, who would not allow the proud conqueror to pass through their lands unless he was willing to pay them a share of the treasures he had brought with him from India.

On reaching Herat, Nadir displayed to public show the jewels and wealth he brought with him from India. He made Meshad the capital of his vast empire. But he was not destined to live long to reap the fruits of his labours. In 1747 as a result of a conspiracy he was killed in his camp near Khabushan, and within a few years after his death, the mighty empire which he had erected, fell to pieces.


PART II
THE RISE OF THE DURRANIS

بوجود آمدن درانی ها


57

DURRANIS

Ahmad Khan Abdali and his 4,000 Afghans could not believe at first that Nadir Khan was dead. They hastened towards the royal quarters with a view to protect him. To their surprise, they found their way barred by a strong contingent of the Kizilbash. Though greatly outnumbered, the Afghans fought their way through their ranks and entered Nadir's tent, where they saw the headless trunk of the Shah in a pool of blood. After helping the members of the royal family, who were attacked by the insurgents, the Afghans decided to return to their native-land. They were forced to cut their way through the enemy for a greater part of their journey homeward. On reaching Kandahar a tribal Jirga was held (October, 1747) to consider the future of the country. The chief question was as to who should be elected king. Every one of the tribal chiefs put forth his claims. So heated did the discussion and the argument become between these rival claimants to the throne that recourse to arms seemed inevitable. Fortunately, there was a respectable divine, Sabar by name, who was present at this meeting. He was keenly


58

watching the procedure. At last he decided to intervene and to use his influence in solving this intricate problem. Addressing the audience he said, "Gentlemen, give up this useless discussion. God has created Ahmad Khan to fill up this job. Gather round his standard to avoid His wrath." This intercession had the desired effect. All the contending chiefs immediately withdrew their claims in favour of Ahmad Khan, who was well-known for his ability and zeal. The divine was pleased to see this. He went out and brought a wreath made from the sheaves of wheat with him. This he placed on Ahmad Khan's head, pronouncing, "May this serve you as a crown". All the chiefs came forward to pay homage to him. Ahmad Khan thus became the elected king of the Afghans.

AHMAD SHAH-I-ABDALI (1747-1773). Ahmad Khan, who is henceforth called Ahmad Shah, was the chief of Sadozai clan, a branch of the Abdalis. He is, therefore, variously entitled—Abdali, Sadozai or Durrani. The last title, it is said, he took in consequence of a dream, wherein he was addressed as Dur-i-Darran (the Pearl of Age) or Dur-i-Durran (the Pearl of Pearls).


59

It will be remembered that when Nadir Shah took
Kandahar, he released Zulfikar Khan and his
brother Ahmad Khan from Mir Hussein's prison
and sent them to Mazindaran. Later Ahmad
Khan was appointed in command of a force of
his own tribe. It was here that he distinguished
himself. He owed his rapid advancement to his
military ability. His mental powers were con-
siderable, and to these he added the advantage of
a noble birth and great physical energy and
courage. Nadir had predicted great things of his
future. Once he said, "I have found neither in
Iran, Turan or Hind, a man equal to Ahmad
Khan Abdali's character." This estimate of
Nadir was justified by later events.

Ahmad Shah, though very young at the time
of his coronation, for he was hardly twenty-five,
proved himself a real military genius. His merits
as a soldier secured him rapid advancement at a
very early age. Now when he came to power, he
tried his best to win the affection of his people
and to weld them together into a strong nation.
When this object was achieved, he proceeded to
conduct a series of important campaigns, which


60

he carried out successfully with the skill of a consummate general.

Ahmad Shah first of all, turned his attention to Kabul and Ghazni, held by Nasir Khan, who after the death of Nadir Shah had declared himself on the side of the Mughals. Nasir Khan soon found that he had made a great mistake in his estimate of Ahmad Shah's prowess. After a feeble resistance he fled to Peshawar. When he saw that even there he could not maintain his position, he tendered his submission to the Afghan King.

Ahmad Shah, following his success, crossed the Indus in 1748 at the head of 30,000 horsemen. He took Chhuch (Hazara) and Attock without much difficulty. He then marched to meet Hayatullah Khan, the Mughal governor of the Punjab. The Viceroy offered but a feeble opposition. He fell back precipitately and in great disorder towards the Mughal capital. Ahmad Shah, after taking possession of Lahore and other important cities of the Punjab, pursued the governor towards Delhi.

Mohammed Shah, the Mughal Emperor, on


AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
1747—1773


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61

hearing the news, dispatched his eldest son,
Prince Ahmad, at the head of a large force to
oppose the advance of the invading army. The
Prince, who had not the courage to meet the
Afghans in the open-field, entrenched himself
near Sirhind. Ahmad Shah on reaching the river
Satluj, found that a powerful Mughal army had
occupied all the available fords. With a con-
tingent of 12,000 men, he crossed the river at a
place where there was no ford. Leaving the
Indians in the rear, he made straight for Sirhind,
where the Indians had left their heavy baggage,
treasures and surplus stores. Ahmad Shah took
possession of these, sent a part of the booty to
Lahore, but kept the heavy guns with him, which
he needed badly.

The Imperial Army, on receiving the news,
immediately retraced its step with a view to
intercept the Afghans, but on reaching Sirhind,
lost courage and decided to entrench itself at a
village called Manupur. A small body of horsemen
that Ahmad Shah had at his disposal could do
little in face of such a formidable force, number-
ing at least 60,000 and supported by a much more
powerful artillery. Ahmad Shah, like the great


62

commanders, led an attack in person. The Afghans were able to inflict heavy losses on the Mughals, but they too suffered severely. Qamar-ud-din Khan, the Vazier, was killed in the engage-ment, while his son, Mir Mannu, next in command stood the ground without flinching. At this critical moment, when the fate of battle hung in the balance, some carts loaded with rockets exploded near the Afghan gun-powder magazine, burning to death some 1,000 gunners. This obliged the Afghans to stand on the defensive, and when night came, they marched off home-wards. The Mughals had not the heart to pursue them.

Mohammed Shah, the Mughal, was at this time seriously ill and expired at Delhi about a month after the battle of Sirhind. He was succeeded by his son Ahmad, under the title of Ahmad Shah. The Afghan King, on learning this, again appeared in the Panjab. Mir Mannu, who was left in charge of the Province, finding himself unable to cope with the situation, made his submission. Ahmad Shah Durrani allowed him to retain the governorship of the province on payment of 1,400,000 rupees annually as tribute.


63

This agreement was later on ratified by the Mughal Emperor as well. After this satisfactory arrangement, Ahmad Shah Durrani decided to return to Kandahar. On his way back he took the cities of Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera Ismail Khan and Shikarpur.

Early in 1749, Ahmad Shah Durrani marched on Herat at the head of a force numbering about 25,000. The city was then in possession of Shah Rukh, grandson of Nadir Shah. The place surrendering after a short siege, Ahmad Shah was able to advance on Meshad. Shah Rukh, a boy of 14, was merely a puppet in the hands of Mir Alam of Seistan. This ambitious chief, learning of the siege of Herat, had hastened to its relief. But at Turbat-i-Jam he was surprised by a force sent by Ahmad Shah with a view to intercept his advance. Mir Alam fought bravely, but in the end he sustained a crushing defeat and a large number of his men were either killed or taken prisoners. Ahmad Shah was therefore able to continue his march towards Meshad. He did not meet any further opposition on the way. He laid siege to Meshad. Shah Rukh, seeing that he was unable to keep up his position,


64
came out of the citadel and tendered his submission. Ahmad Shah, receiving him kindly, left him in possession of his territories on condition that the Prince would acknowledge his suzerainty.
Ahmad Shah continuing his march came to Nishapur. A severe winter with heavy snowfall forced him to fall back. In the spring of the following year Ahmad Shah once more marched against Nishapur. The city surrendered after a short siege. On his return homewards he sent an expedition to the north of the Hindu Kush, which secured him the possession of Balkh, Khanabad, Maimana and Badakhshan.
In the spring of 1751, Ahmad Shah was once more compelled to advance on Meshad to chastise Mir Alam, who taking advantage of his absence, had raided the city, blinded and dethroned Shah Rukh Mirza. Ahmad Shah had little difficulty in restoring order. Placing Shah Rukh once more on the throne, he advanced as far as Astarabad. This was the extreme limit of his conquests in the west.
It will be remembered that on his second expedition to India, Ahmad Shah had reinstated


65

Mir Mannu as the governor of the Panjab on
condition that he would pay annual tribute to
him. This treaty was ratified by the Mughal
Emperor too. Now Ahmad Shah learnt that the
Emperor and Mir Mannu had failed to comply
with the terms of this agreement. He, therefore,
decided to invade India for the third time.
On his approach, Mir Mannu, finding that no
help could come to him from any quarter, made
his submission a second time. He was not only
forgiven but reinstated in his office. The terrified
Emperor, too, sued for peace. According to a
new agreement, he formally ceded the Panjab and
Multan to the Afghan King. After a stay of a
few days, Ahmad Shah returned to his country.
On his way back he annexed Kashmir to his
kingdom.

Mir Mannu, the governor of the Panjab,
died in 1753. His son was appointed in his stead
as the governor. As he was a minor, his mother,
Mughlani Begum, became regent. This once
more gave a chance for intrigues and rebellions.
Shahab-ud-din, son of Ghazi-ud-din, who had
succeeded to the office of Vazier at Mughal Court,
availing himself of the opportunity, entered into


66
a most amicable correspondence with the widow, desiring to marry her daughter. Having completely lulled her suspicions, he advanced on Lahore with a large force as if to celebrate the marriage. On reaching Lahore, he surprised the town and carried the governess off to his camp. Adina Beg, a notorious intriguer, was appointed in his place as the governor of the province. This insult to Ahmad Shah's authority, brought him to India a fourth time (1756).

Marching rapidly from Kandahar and crossing the Indus, he entered the Panjab with a view to punish Adina Beg. The latter, finding himself unable to check his advance, retreated towards Delhi with the Afghan king at his heels. Ahmad Shah reached the vicinity of Delhi without opposition. Shahab-ud-din, finding himself too weak to check the advance of Ahmad Shah, contrived to pacify Mughlani Begum. Through her intercession he went to the Durrani camp. The Afghan king received him kindly, but continued his march into Delhi which he entered triumphantly. Alamgir II, the Mughal Emperor, was deposed and the Khutba was read in the name of Ahmad Shah Durrani.


67

After a short rest at the Mughal capital, Ahmad Shah sent Jahan Khan, one of his generals, against the Jats. This expedition was completely successful. The Afghans, driving back the Jats, took Bulamgar and proceeded as far as Muttra, which surrendered without much opposition.

Ahmad Shah, then finding it impossible to stay longer in India in consequence of the heat, made up his mind to return. He was about to leave, when the Emperor appealed to him for protection against his treacherous Vazier, who was in league with the Marhattas and Jats. Ahmad Shah, therefore, appointed Najib-ud-daula, a Rohilla noble of ability and good repute, to be the commander of the army, in the hope that he being an Afghan by origin, would work for the interests of his race.

After these precautionary measures and arranging a marriage between Timur Mirza, his son, and a daughter of Alamgir II, the Afghan monarch decided to return home. He left Timur and Sardar Jahan Khan to look after his newly-acquired dominions east of the Indus. Hardly had Ahmad Shah turned his back on India,


68

when Shahab-ud-din who had fled to Farrukhabad
and taken shelter with the Marhattas, returned
to Delhi and laid siege to it. Najib-ud-daula was
forced to retire towards Saharanpur. The Vazier
immediately made Ahmad Khan Bangash the
Commander-in-Chief of the Mughal Army. Not
content with this, he invited the Marhattas to his
help, for he knew that without their support he
could not keep up his position at Delhi.

Meanwhile Ahmad Shah was busy in other
quarters and could not pay his attention to what
was going on at the Mughal capital. A serious
disturbance had broken out in the Panjab.
Adina Beg, who had fled from Lahore on the
approach of the Afghan king, now reappeared
on the scene and instigated the Sikhs to rebel.
He also invited the Marhattas to assist him in the
recovery of the Panjab.

Ragunath, the brother of Peshwa, availing
of the opportunity, advanced on the Panjab at
the head of a formidable force. Timur Mirza
was forced to fall back. After appointing Adina
Beg to his former position, the Marhatta chief
retired to the Deccan.


69

Meanwhile Ahmad Shah's hands were too full with the affairs in Baluchistan, where Nasir Khan, the chief of the Bruhi tribe, had revolted. The Baluch Sardar had rendered much assistance to Ahmad Shah in his numerous expeditions both in India and Persia. He was adequately rewarded for his services. But on hearing that the Marhattas had conquered the whole of the Panjab and had ousted the Afghans from that province, he wavered in his allegiance to the Afghan Crown and declared his independence. Ahmad Shah was, therefore, forced to march against him immediately. This operation delayed the Shah for a considerable time. Ultimately, the gloomy state of Indian affairs made Ahmad Shah to conclude a hasty peace, by which Nasir Khan was allowed to retain his dominions on condition that he would acknowledge Shah's suzerainty and furnish contingents whenever the Afghan king made wars beyond the boundaries of Afghanistan. It was also stipulated that the Baluch Chief would in no way help or grant asylum to anyone of the Sadozai princes and would not interfere in Afghans' internal quarrels. To cement this alliance, Ahmad Shah married his son Timur


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to Nasir Khan's niece. Nasir Khan was also exempted from the tribute which he paid annually to Ahmad Shah and got the districts of Quetta and Mastung as reward for his past services.

After settling the affairs in this part of the country, Ahmad Shah was able to turn his attention towards India. On his approach, Emperor Alamgir II was murdered by his Vazier and the young prince, Ali Gauhar, afterwards Shah Alam II, had to flee for his life, and took shelter with the British. Passing through the Bolan Pass, Ahmad Shah came to Sukkur. Then continuing his march along the Indus, he advanced on Peshawar. He crossed the river near Attock. From there he continued his march through the northern part of the Panjab, avoiding the swollen rivers by keeping near the base of the northern hills. He crossed the river Jamna opposite Saharanpur.

Driving the main Marhatta army towards the south, Ahmad Shah came suddenly face to face with a strong force led by Dataji Sindhia at a point some ten miles north of Delhi. In the engagement that followed the Marhatta Chief with two-thirds of his force was cut to pieces.


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A second detachment under the leadership of Mulhar Rao Hulkar was also surprised and completely annihilated. The third Marhatta division falling back continued its flight south of the Chambal. It was at last overtaken by a Durrani detachment and totally destroyed. As a consequence of these victories, the Afghans entered Delhi. The Vazier flying for his life entered the Jat country, where Mulhar Rao Hulkar and the remnants of his force had sought shelter.

The Marhattas, one of the warlike races of India, dwelling along the south-western coast of India, were at this time at the zenith of their power. They had overrun greater part of India and their frontiers extended to the Indus and the Himalayas in the north, while on the south they stretched nearly to the extremity of the Deccan peninsula. With conquests their military power also increased considerably. The force was no longer composed of predatory bands, but had a nucleus of troops drilled in the European fashion. The army was well-paid and properly equipped and was trained by Europeans, mostly French.


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Their artillery, too, was far superior to any previously known in India.

The news of misfortune that had befallen Holkar and Sindhia did in no way discourage them. On the contrary it was only a fresh stimulus to exertion. They decided to stake their all in the forth-coming struggle with the Afghans. Great preparations were made and within a short time a very powerful army was placed under the command of Sadesho Bhao (or Sadashir Rao as he is variously called) with Viswas Rao, Peshwa's son, next in command. All the great Marhatta Chiefs had joined the force with their contingents and followers. Be-sides, many Rajput princes sent their quotas of troops and money, while Suraj Mal, a Jat leader, is said to have brought a body of 30,000 men of his tribe. Ahmad Shah had pursued the flying enemy as far as Anoopshehr. He could not proceed further due to the rainy season. When the Marhatta force reached Bharat-pur, Suraj Mal and Holkar, who were quite aware of the Afghan's war tactics, advised Bhao to leave the infantry and heavy guns with baggage behind in the Jat country and advancing with