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cavalry alone harass the Afghans, who, in their
opinion, could not stand the intense heat of India.
The rainy season of the country, they argued,
would soon compel the Afghans to retire to their
homeland. But the haughty Marhatta chief,
puffed up by his recent successes in other parts of
India, rejected this counsel and looked down on
victory thus achieved as below his dignity. He
boldly marched on Delhi, then held by a small
detachment of the Afghans. The Marhattas had
no difficulty in besieging the city, which surrendered
after a stubborn resistance. The Marhattas on
entering the Mughal capital put the entire garrison
to the sword.

Ahmad Shah, who had encamped on the left
bank of the Jamna with a view to pass the rainy
season could not come to the assistance of his
men ; the swollen river made crossing impossible.
The Marhattas looted the city to their heart's
content. They defaced palaces, tombs and shrines
for the sake of the ornaments with which they
had been decorated. Bhao even proposed to
proclaim Viswas Rao emperor of India, but others
advised him to postpone it until the Durranis
were driven across the Indus.


74

In October, 1760, the Marhattas marched
north to Sarhind, with a view to cut off Ahmad
Shah's line of communication. On their way to
that city, they attacked and stormed the fortress
of Kunjpura, sixty miles north of Delhi, putting
to sword the entire garrison, numbering no less
than 10,000 men. This wholesale massacre took
place almost in sight of the Afghan army,
encamped on the other side of the river. Once
more the flooded Jamna and the violence of the
periodical rains stood in the way of rendering any
help to the besieged. Ahmad Shah concluded
that further delay was suicidal ; something must
be done at once.

With this intention he broke up his canton-
ment and ordered his men to cross the river
against all odds. On reaching the Jamna, he
found it swollen and in full flood. He proceeded
along it to find a ford. But he could see none.
He resolved to cross it at all cost. The disgrace
must be wiped out. The passage across the river
was conducted admirably and effected in face of
resolute resistance and volleys of bullets from the
other side. The Marhattas were so disheartened
to see this unusual bravery, that they fell back


75

with great speed in face of the surging waves of
the Afghans, and on reaching Panipat they dug
trenches and took shelter behind them.

The THIRD BATTLE OF PANIPAT (7th
January 1761). Ahmad Shah following at the heels
of the enemy caught them in the vicinity of
Panipat. Here he found the Marhattas strongly
entrenched. They had thrown up works round
their camps, encompassed by a broad and deep
ditch, and protected on all sides by a fine artillery.
The total strength of the Marhatta force is
estimated between 300,000 and 500,000. Besides,
they had 200 guns, with numerous wall pieces,
and a great supply of rockets, (a favourable
Marhatta weapon). A deserted Muslim officer
from the French army, Ibrahim Gardi by name,
had also with 9,000 disciplined sepoys come to
their aid. Against this formidable force, Ahmad
Shah had no more than 40,000 Afghans, mostly
horsemen. A force of Indian Muslims, estimated
at 38,000 foot and some 13,000, horse had also
come to his help. Of these the Rohilla Afghans
were efficient to some extent, while the rest was a
rabble of Indian foot soldiers, who had come to
loot either side that lost the war. The Afghans


76

had no artillery; their Indian allies had brought
with them about thirty pieces of cannon of differ-
ent calibres.

Such was the numerical strength and equip-
ment of these two forces that now lay face to
face on the famous battle-field, which had previ-
ously twice decided the fate of India. But the
inadequacy of number and equipment of the
Afghan force was duly compensated by the
generalship of its leader and the bravery of its
soldiers. Ahmad Shah with the small number of
his men did not think it advisable to attack the
enemy in their strong position. He was, therefore,
obliged to adopt similar precautionary measures
and to throw lines of trenches round his camp.

Bhao, who had fine Marhatta cavalry at his
disposal, dispatched raiding parties to harry the
country around in order to prevent supplies from
reaching the Afghan camp. Govind Rao Bodela
with his 12,000 horses, was ordered to carry this
plan out. He harassed the Afghans in the rear of
their camp, intercepting all supplies. Bhao also
employed his light cavalry for this very end. As
a result of this blockade the Afghans began to


77

suffer heavily. This roused them to immediate
action. They resolved to adopt reciprocal measures,
and to make up the deficiency in number by
bold and rapid movements of their detachments.
A body of their horse under Attai Khan marched
more than sixty miles, then detouring surprised
Govind Rao's camp before daybreak. The enemy,
not prepared for such a move, retreated pell-mell,
Govind himself was among the slain. This single
action so demoralized the Marhattas that hence-
forth they had not the courage to meet the
Afghans in the open field. The Afghans, posting
strong pickets around Marhattas' camp, tried hard
to cut off all supplies from reaching them. This
state of affairs dragged on for three months and
no serious effort was made by the Marhattas to
pierce through the Afghan line and force a
convoy of food into the camp. With their
numerous attendants and innumerable camp
followers, their stock of provisions soon ran short.
Bhao bore his difficulties with dignity and patience.
The Afghans, too, suffered for want of supplies
and had to bring them from long distances. But
the patience, vigilance and activity of their leader
enabled them to face these difficulties cheerfully.


78

Ahmad Shah, having supreme faith in himself, had also the gift of inspiring in others implicit confidence in his leadership and in their final victory. On the contrary, the enemy was daily losing patience and morale. The Indians, who had flocked to Ahmad Shah's standard, were also anxious to put an end to this protracted siege by an immediate action. When they insisted in their demand, Ahmad Shah coldly answered, "This is a matter of war with which you are not well-acquainted. In other affairs do as you please, but leave this to me and follow my advice implicitly."

The Marhattas at last clearly saw that if this state of affairs were to continue a little longer, they were sure to lose the contest. An immediate action, they thought, might relieve them of the impending danger. They therefore decided to come out of their fortifications and attack the Afghan camp.

From the day of his arrival in Panipat, Ahmad Shah had pitched a small tent for himself in front of the camp, to which he repaired every morning before sunrise for prayers. Then mounting his horse he would visit the various posts and recon-


79

noiter the enemy's position. Thus after covering a
distance of forty to fifty miles, he would return to
his tent. At night he placed a picket of 5,000
horses as near as he could to the enemy's camp,
where they remained under arms all the night,
while other parties went round the whole canton-
ment. Ahmad Shah himself would often take
part in these rounds. He used to say to his Indian
friends, "You better sleep ; I will take care that no
harm befalls you." Personal bravery of a leader
is of vital importance in an Afghan army. The
soldiers will gladly follow such a commander
anywhere and against any odds ; but if he throws
them into danger, while he himself remains at a
distance, they lose their enthusiasm directly, and
are half thrashed before the battle begins. They
want a man, who would rush forward sword in hand
at their head, call upon them to follow, and then
dash into the middle of the foe. Unstinted praise
must be accorded to Ahmad Shah not only for
his generalship and bravery, but also for his
careful training of the troops and his strict
enforcement of discipline. His appearance in the
midst of his soldiers had an inspiring effect on
them, who would gladly follow him through thick


80

and thin of the battle. Far from this, on the
approach of impending danger, Bhao's vanity
vanished and his embarrassment increased with
the passing of time which had a most demoralizing
effect on his comrades and followers. At last Bhao
was forced to ask Shujaud-daula to mediate for
peace between him and the Afghan King. "The
cup is full to the brim", he wrote in his distress,
"and cannot hold another drop. If anything
could be done, do it at once, or else answer me
plainly ; hereafter there will be no time for writing
or speaking".

It appears that Ahmad Shah was not ready
to negotiate a peace with his entrapped adver-
saries. The Marhattas, receiving no reply decided
to lead an attack next morning.

On the seventh of January, 1761, at about
three in the morning, Ahmad Shah received the
news that the whole of the Marhatta army had
marched out of their camp with the intention of
attacking the Afghans. Shuja-ud-daula, the
first to get this information, came directly to
the Shah's camp and desired an immediate
audience. Ahmad Shah soon appeared fully


81

dressed. On hearing the news, he was not perturbed in the least. Mounting his horse, which always stood ready by his door, he rode in the direction of the enemy, ordering his troops to follow.

The King's centre was composed of the Rohillas, Poupalzais and a body of the royal guards. The Marhattas first of all made much use of their guns. A heavy cannonade broke out. Shells and rockets whizzed over the Afghan lines. The centre of the Afghans was thrown into confusion. Ibrahim Girdi, seeing this, rode up to Bhao and said proudly, "You have often blamed me for keeping a regular army. You will now see that they have earned their wages not in vain." Seizing a colour with his own hand, he ordered his battalions to cease fire and charge with their bayonets. The Rohillas, unable to stand the assault, reeled back, while their retreat laid open the right wing of Shah Wali Khan, the Grand Vazier, who commanded the centre of the army. Bhao and Viswas, flushed with these initial successes, attacked him with the flower of Marhatta force. A hand-to-hand battle ensued. Attai Khan was killed in the action and


the Afghans, who were greatly outnumbered,
were forced to give ground. Everything seemed
to go against them. Shah Wali, seeing this
miserable plight of his friends, dismounted, and
sword in hand, went forward to meet the enemy,
determined to lay his life at the post. Nawab
Shujaud-daula was not far from the Grand
Vazier, but could not see his plight due to thick
dust intervening between him and the Vazier.
Shortly afterwards he sent some one in that
direction to find out the cause of the suddenly
diminishing sounds of men and horses. To his
great surprise, he learnt that the Grand Vazier was
fighting on foot, reproaching his men for cowar-
dice, and endeavouring to bring them back to
their posts. “Tell Shuja”, he said to the messenger,
“if he does not come at once to my assistance,
I must perish.” But Shuja would not move.

Seeing this, the King came in person with
his reserve to the assistance of his Vazier. The
battle now became stationary, though the advan-
tage was still with the Marhattas, who came
forward like the surging waves, confident of
their victory. Ahmad Shah, rallying the fugitives
and ordering all those who refused to obey to be


83

cut to pieces, gave instructions for advance, at
the same time directing a division on his left to
wheel up and take the enemy in the rear and
flank. This skilful manoeuvre at the opportune
time decided the fate of the battle. All at
once, as if by miracle, the whole Marahatta
army turned back and fled at full speed, leaving
the battle-field covered with the dying and dead.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Marhatta forces,
the heir-apparent to the throne, and almost all
the chief officers and the greater part of the
army perished in battle or in flight. The pursuit
by moonlight cost the fleeing multitude tens of
thousands of their precious lives; their ponies
were easily overtaken by the swift-footed Afghan
horses. Later a glimpse of the tragedy was given
by a banker's letter to one of his correspondents,
which ran : "Two invaluable pearls have been
dissolved, twenty-seven gold Mohurs have been
lost, and of the silver and copper coins the total
cannot be easily estimated." By the pearls he
means the commander and the next in command
of the Marhatta forces, while gold Mohurs refer
to officers that had fallen in the battle. Almost
all the Marhatta chiefs were either killed or


84

wounded, except Holkar, who had left the field
very early, when he found that balance had
changed in favour of the Afghans and that the
Marhatta army was heading towards disaster.

Never a victory could be more complete.
The Third Battle of Panipat was more decisive
than the previous ones. The whole of Hindustan
lay at the feet of the conqueror. The greatest
power that could oppose Ahmad Shah was
smashed to pieces and their towering edifice
crumbled to the ground. The British at this time
had not yet fully consolidated their position even
in Bengal. As such they were no match to the
Afghans, the victors of Panipat. To the Marhattas
the day of the Third Battle of Panipat was one of
mourning and calamity, and with it their hope of
an Empire vanished for ever. Grief spread over
the whole Marhatta people ; every one mourned
the loss of relatives or friends. The Peshwa,
the head of Marhatta Confederacy, could not
survive this shock. He was so overtaken with
grief and sorrow that, retreating towards Poona,
he passed away. The confederacy itself sustained
an irreparable loss. Before it could recover from
this shock and assume offensive once more, it


85

found itself confronted with another power, which was more than a match for it. This new power that appeared on the Indian horizon shortly afterwards was the British, who taking advantage of the confused situation of India after the death of Ahmad Shah the Great, had taken his place. Some of the historians are of the opinion that the battle of Panipat facilitated indirectly the British conquest of India.

Why Ahmad Shah Durrani did not avail himself of this golden opportunity is a mystery to most of the historians. It is alleged by some that the climate of India did not suit him. Others contend that he did not like to extend the boundaries of his empire too much, for it was not easy to control it from the distant base of Kandahar and Ahmad Shah was too patriotic to shift his capital to Delhi. Another group of historians thinks that Ahmad Shah did not like to pay his attention too much to Indian affairs, as there were more pressing questions to be solved on other fronts, especially in the north and north-west of his kingdom.

The victory was illustrated numismatically by coins struck at Delhi, Bareilly, Muradabad and


86

Sirhind. Ahmad Shah, content with the keeping of the Punjab as far as Satluj, nominated Ali Gauhar, who afterwards assumed the title of Shah Alam II, to the throne of Delhi, and he himself returned to Afghanistan in the spring of 1761. Immediately on the return, a fresh enemy appeared on the scene. The Sikhs, taking advantage of the confused condition of northern India, began to show more activity in the Panjab. The inroads of these people compelled Ahmad Shah to return to India once more (1762). It is related that he rose one night suddenly from his sleep, picking a body of horsemen, rode off to India. On reaching Jandiala, where a large number of Sikhs had assembled, he led a surprise attack. Ahmad Shah had hardly ten to twelve followers with him at this time, yet such was the terror inspired by his name that the entire Sikh army fled on his approach. Collecting his troops, he pursued and defeated them near Gujarwal, south of Ludhiana with enormous slaughter. The fight has come to be known in Indian history as the Gullughara, which means the Great Overthrow.

Ahmad Shah, leaving a governor at Sirhind, returned to his homeland. Upon his departure


87

from India, the Sikhs once more became restive. They readily recovered what they had lost. The town of Sirhind was destroyed and the Afghan governor was forced to flee.

These events brought Ahmad Shah into India again. He traversed the Panjab without much opposition, but was soon compelled to retrace his steps towards Afghanistan to quell an uprising. His army suffered heavily from the heat during the first part of the journey. He had no difficulty in crushing the rebellion, but henceforth Ahmad Shah's health began to decline. A cancer appeared in his face, which became incurable. This affected greatly his activities. He was, however, compelled to exert himself in spite of his declining health, due to the increasing power of the Sikhs in the Panjab.

In 1767 the Afghan King re-entered India with the intention of rooting out once for all the growing power of these warlike people. He went in person against them and after inflicting heavy casualties drove them into the mountains. The moment he turned his back on India, the Sikhs reappeared in greater force. Ahmad Shah on account of his fast declining health was forced to adopt conciliatory measures and tried to win


the Sikhs over to his side. With this intention he
granted the Sirhind-Patiala State to an influential
Sikh chief. This measure, too, proved futile, for
hardly had Ahmad Shah left the country, when the
Sikhs, overrunning the greater part of the Punjab,
took the powerful fortress of Rohtas, near Jhelum,
built by Sher Shah Sur. The Shah was about to wipe
out this disgrace when a fresh rebellion in Khurasan
diverted his attention in that direction. Henceforth,
the Panjab ceased to be the base of operations
of the Afghans for their advance on Delhi.

Nasirullah Khan, son of Shah Rukh, had
taken up arms against Ahmad Shah with the
full support of the Persian nobles. The Afghan
King sent forward Timur, his son, in that direc-
tion. The Prince, after a well-contested battle
in the neighbourhood of Meshad, inflicted a severe
defeat on the Persians. Fleeing from the field
they took refuge with the blinded Shah Rukh
inside the sacred city. Ahmad Shah, who had
come to the help of his son, now laid siege to it,
intending to reduce the city by a prolonged
blockade. The Persians, once more finding their
position untenable, surrendered. Ahmad Shah,
however, treated Shah Rukh with every mark of


89

consideration and again left him in full possession
of the holy city. Shah Rukh, repenting his ingrati-
tude, promised to remain loyal to the Afghan
crown and to supply a contingent of troops to
serve the King. Besides, he gave his daughter in
marriage to Timur. Meanwhile, a detachment
of Afghan troops under Sardar Jahan Khan had
succeeded in taking Tabbus, held by Ali Mardan
Khan, an Arab chief.

The failing energy at last forced Ahmad
Shah to quit Persia. He returned to Kandahar
for a much needed rest. In the spring of 1773, he
retired to the milder climate of the Toba Hills,
in Achakzai country. But the malady grew worse,
and in the beginning of June, 1773, the great
conqueror and military genius passed away peace-
fully at Murgha, in the fiftieth year of his age and
after a glorious reign of twenty-six.

Ahmad Shah was first and foremost a brave
and intrepid general and a great military leader.
Always first in the battle-field, his personality
inspired respect among his friends and followers,
and struck awe and terror among his enemy.
Within a quarter of a century he was not only


90

able to wrest Afghanistan from foreign hands, but was also able to carry his successful arms into foreign lands and cast down the proud Marhattas, who were dreaming of an Indian Empire. The change which he wrought in the fortunes of his country in the course of these few years was little short of miraculous. He succeeded admirably in bringing the contending Afghan tribes closer to one another and welding them together into a strong nation. He had full confidence in himself and inspired his people with the same spirit. He may safely be called the creator of modern Afghanistan and the father of the nation.

Ahmad Shah was also a man of literary taste. He was a poet, composing verses in Pashto as well as Persian. These poems, like those of Khush-Hal Khan Khattak, are all imbued with the noblest of patriotic sentiments.

In one of them he says :
I forget the throne of Delhi,
The moment I remember the sublime summits of my native mountains.
Ahmad Shah will never forget thee
Even if he were to conquer the whole world.


91

Timur Shah (1773—1793).—Ahmad Shah had nominated Timur Mirza, his second son as his successor. The Prince in his childhood had exhibited many signs of intelligence and sound judgment and it was hoped that he would follow in the brilliant footsteps of his father. He was ruling at Herat when the news came to him that his father was confined to bed at the Toba Hills. He immediately left for that place with the intention of attending to his father during his illness and at the same time safeguarding his interests in case of his death. Before he could reach his destination, the Shah, probably at the instigation of Shah Wali Khan, the Grand Vazier, ordered the Prince to retun to Herat and to look after the administration of that province. Timur knew the plot afoot but he had to obey his father. So he was at Herat when he learned that his father had passed away and that Sulaiman, his brother, availing himself of the opportunity and supported by Shah Wali Khan, his father-in-law, had declared himself king at Kandahar. But he failed to obtain the active support of some of the influential chiefs, who openly declared themselves for Timur. This encouraged the latter to advance on Kandahar.


92

At his approach Sulaiman found himself nearly deserted. He had no choice but to run away. Fleeing for his life he was never heard of again, while Shah Wali Khan with two of his sons and a few prominent chiefs decided to repair to Timur's camp and pay homage. Unfortunately, none of them was even allowed to meet the victorious Prince. Orders were issued to put them immediately under custody. They were later tried on a charge of treason and done away with. This cold-blooded murder of persons who had served the country on many a battle field and had won laurels lowered Timur's prestige in the public eye. Every one began to look on him with hatred. Timur soon found that his previous popularity with the masses was fast dwindling. This very fact, it is said, led him to change his capital from Kandahar to Kabul, which has remained so even to this day.

Timur lacked the energy and far-sightedness of his illustrious father. He was content with what he got from him and made no serious effort to consolidate his position. It is obvious that it is not possible for a successor of a great king to rest upon his father's laurels without exerting


93

for it. As was expected, no sooner the grip of the master hand was felt no more, than numerous sources of dangers, both from within and outside, appeared, menacing his authority. Timur was neither a general nor a statesman to cope successfully with the situation. On the contrary his policy was shifty and temporising. He alternately used force and conciliation, with the usual consequence that both policies failed and the situation deteriorated from bad to worse. The chiefs taking advantage of his vacillating policy paid him but nominal homage. The result was chaos and anarchy and the better part of Timur's reign was spent in quelling these uprisings. With a view to curb the influence of these refractory nobles, he recruited most of his army from the Kizilbash and Tajiks. A division of 12,000 Kizilbash cavalry was raised, who were regularly paid and properly looked after. Timur hoped that by this measure he would be able to secure himself against the rebels and obtain prompt obedience to his orders. The first important event of his reign was an uprising headed by Abdul Khaliq Khan, an influential chief. This rebellion was easily put down; Abdul Khaliq was taken prisoner and


94

deprived of his eyesight. From 1775 to 1781
Timur was confronted with major uprisings on
various fronts, including Balkh, Seistan, Khura-
san and Kashmir. Of these the insurrection of
Sahibzada of Chamkani, which took place in 1779,
deserves special notice. The conspirators aimed
at dethroning Timur Shah and placing Iskandar,
Sulaiman's son, on the throne. Some prominent
chiefs of the Mohmands and Khyber Afridis also
took part in this conspiracy. Collecting a large
force, the conspirators suddenly entered the royal
citadel (Bala Hissar) at Peshawar through the
connivance of the Commander of the Guard.
The Shah took shelter in one of the towers. All
would have been over, had not the Kizilbash
Regiment come to his assistance. The conspira-
tors were soon overpowered and made to flee. A
large number of them were killed in the action.
Faizullah Khan, one of the ring-leaders, was taken
prisoner and put to death. The Mohmand Chief,
who had escaped this general slaughter, was
prevailed upon by an oath, sworn on the Kuran,
to submit. No sooner did he make his submission
and surrender himself to the Shah than he was
tortured to death. This breach of faith was very


95

much detested by the people, who would not trust
the Shah's word any more. This was the second
cause which led to Timur Shah's unpopularity.

About this time the news was brought that
the Sikhs had taken possession of Multan through
the treachery of its governor. Timur Shah went
in person to punish the invaders. A small force
was sent in advance, which was able to lead a
surprise attack and turn the Sikhs out of their
newly acquired possessions.

The Talpuris of Sindh now began to give
trouble. They rose against the Afghan governor
of the district and turned him out. Madad Khan
was dispatched to punish the insurgents. Break-
ing the resistance of the rebels he overran the
whole province. But soon after his return to
Kandahar, the Talpuris once more rose in arms
and expelled the governor. A second army com-
manded by Ahmad Khan Nurzai, a raw inex-
perienced officer, was sent that way. But he was
defeated with great loss and the Afghan army
had to fall back on Shikarpur. The Talpuri sent
their representatives to the Shah to discuss the
terms of peace. As a result of these negotiations


96

Mir Fateh Ali Khan Talpuri was confirmed as the ruler on payment of an annual tribute to the Afghan King. From this time onwards, Sindh became almost independent and paid but a nominal homage to the Afghan Crown.

Next the Shah was confronted with another rebellion in Kashmir. Hardly was this revolt put down, when a new one broke out in Balkh, instigated by Shah Murad Beg of Bukhara. At the same time another insurrection broke out at Bahawalpur. The Shah, collecting a large force, marched first to the north. At Aqchah some indecisive actions took place, the balance on the whole being in favour of the Afghans. Had they then forced the enemy to a general engagement, their success would have been inevitable. But Timur, content with small skirmishes, gave the enemy sufficient time to reorganize his army and to make use of gold in bribing some of the Afghan officers, who persuaded the Shah to come to terms with the King of Bukhara. By the treaty which was finally agreed upon, the ruler of Bukhara recognised the authority of Timur over Balkh and the adjoining districts lying south of the Oxus. What made the Shah con-


97

clude this hasty treaty was the rebellion of Arsala Khan, an influential Mohmand Chief, who, taking advantage of Shah's absence in the north, declared his independence and successfully blocked the road between Kabul and Peshawar. The Shah left Balkh in the middle of winter when the Hindu Kush passes were all blocked with snow. He thereby experienced much hardship on the way. But the moment the Mohmand Chief got this news, he was so disheartened that he surrendered himself without striking a blow. Timur ordered him to be delivered to the tribesmen, with whom the chief was not on good terms. They instantly put him to death. This fact further alienated the people from the Shah.

In the spring of 1793, Timur fell ill on a journey from Peshawar to Kabul. He died before reaching his destination. His coffin was taken to Kabul and buried in the Bagh-i-Umumi (Public Garden), where his mausoleum stands to this day.

Timur was a weak ruler, not even the shadow of his illustrious father. His easy-going temperament was responsible for the beginning of the disintegration of the vast Empire founded by Ahmad Shah the Great.


[BLANK PAGE]


SHAH ZAMAN
1793—1801


99

tions, came face to face near Kilat-i-Ghilzai. After a short engagement Humayun, who was not popular, was deserted by his adherents and compelled to take refuge with Nasir Khan, ruler of Kalat. Zaman Shah entered Kandahar triumphantly.

After a few days' rest, Zaman Shah marched against his second brother, Mahmud, who was holding Herat. However, the two brothers negotiated an agreement, by which Mahmud was allowed to retain the governorship of that province.

Having thus secured his position within the country, Zaman then had time to turn his attention to foreign affairs. He thought of repeating the career of his grandfather, Ahmad Shah, and contemplated an invasion of India with the sole object of turning out the British, who by now had greatly consolidated their position. He was encouraged in his mission by some of the Indian Princes, foremost among these were Mirza Ahsan Bakht, a Mughal fugitive at the Afghan Court, Sultan Tipu of Mysore, and the ruler of Junagarh, who promised to pay a lakh (1,00,000) of Rupees


100

a day towards the expenses of the Afghan army during its stay in India. The news spreading like wild fire aroused for a short time great hopes and fears throughout Hindustan. But there was too little security at home to ensure prosperity abroad. It so happened that more than once Zaman Shah marched upon India to fight the British, but each time he was compelled to relinquish the idea and retrace his steps towards his motherland in order to quell an uprising, probably instigated by the secret agents of interested parties. In spite of this, for many years Zaman Shah's descent upon India kept the British in a constant state of alarm. But he was never able to advance beyond Lahore because of intense unrest in Afghanistan. The chief trouble came from Mahmud who gave him no rest, and Zaman had to hasten back lest he should find the Prince reigning at Kabul in his stead.

The new century had scarcely dawned when the British found themselves confronted with innumerable perils both in Europe and Asia. Secret agents of Napoleon were busy cementing alliances hostile to British in every part of the two continents. Great Britain was much alarmed


THE HISTORICAL FORT OF BALA HISSAR
Scene of many battles and episodes impression of Madame Chakour,
the famous Afghan Artist


101

by the hostile attitude of some of the Princes in the East. An offensive alliance between France, Persia and Afghanistan might render the danger at once real and imminent. It was therefore thought expedient to dispatch a mission to Persia and to instigate that power to keep Zaman Shah busy on his western frontier. It was obvious that, threatened with invasion from the west, Zaman could never think of leading an expedition against the British in India.

Persia was at this time ruled by Fateh Ali Shah, a member of the Kajar dynasty. After the death of Nadir Shah in 1747, the mighty Empire which he had erected fell to pieces. In Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Durrani was elected King. The southern and western provinces of Persia fell to the lot of Karim Khan of the Zend tribe. All that was left to Shah Rukh, the grandson of Nadir Shah, was the province of Khurasan, and he was protected in this possession by the Afghan King.

Karim Khan Zend, a just and enlightened ruler, died in 1779. His death was a signal for fresh uprisings marked by atrocious cruelties, in course of which his four surviving sons were


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savagely butchered. At length, in 1795 Agha Mohammed Khan of the Kajar tribe ascended the throne. In 1796 he sent an envoy to Kabul demanding Zaman Shah to agree to the cession of Balkh to Persia, since the possession of that city, he contested, was necessary to him to check the advance of the Amir of Bukhara in that direction.

Agha Mohammed, however, had soon to relinquish the idea of attacking Balkh for he found himself involved in a war with Russia over Georgia. The Shah of Bukhara was also forced to come to terms with Zaman Shah, and retired percipitately beyond the Oxus, renewing the treaty made with Timur Shah.

In 1797 Agha Mohammed was murdered and was succeeded by his nephew, Fateh Ali Khan. During his reign began that closer connection between the British and Persia which had its origin in the fear of an Afghan invasion of India.

In 1797 Zaman Shah advanced to Lahore with the professed purpose of rescuing the house of Timur from the domination of the Sikhs and the Marhattas. His appearance at the head of a


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powerful army at such a juncture created a very strong sensation throughout India. The British were greatly alarmed by his descent on India and his vast preparations to march on Delhi. But they were soon relieved of their anxieties to learn that Mahmud, the deposed ruler of Herat, had appeared at Farah with a large number of adherents and with the active support of the Shah of Persia. This unexpected manoeuvre forced Zaman Shah to return to his homeland. Soon after, rumours of his renewed preparations, coupled with the apprehension of an invasion of India by the French and a deputation of a secret embassy by Napoleon to establish his influence in Tehran, aroused the British to take prompt measures for the security of their Indian Empire. Captain Malcolm was accordingly deputed as Envoy to Persia to induce Fateh Ali Khan Kajar to bring pressure upon Zaman Shah by attacking Khurasan and Herat and thus preventing him from his threatened invasion of India. The mission was completely successful. A treaty of friendship was signed. The Shah of Persia engaged to lay waste the western part of Afghanistan if Zaman Shah attempted to invade


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India, and to prevent the French from settling or
residing in Persia. In the event of war between
the Afghans and the Persians or the Persians and
the French, the British were to support Persia.

The British gold and intrigues made great
headway. As they themselves have admitted
" Every difficulty melted away beneath the magic
touch of English gold". Malcolm was so
confident of his success that he wrote proudly
from Isfahan, " Zaman Shah can do nothing in
India before the setting of rains of 1801. He has
no time, even if he had the power for such an
attempt, and by the blessing of God he will for
some years to come be too much engaged in this
quarter to think of attacking India." What an
irony of fate ! The letter had not yet reached
India when the days of the Afghan sovereign were
numbered. The nightmare of British dreams was
deprived of his eyesight by Mahmud and impri-
soned in Bala Hissar.

Zaman Shah committed a blunder by appoint-
ing Wafadar Khan, a base and designing man, to
be his minister. The conspiring nature of this
man rendered Zaman Shah, in spite of his amiable
disposition, unbearable to the other chiefs. Every-


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body complained that the King was taking no
active part in the management of public affairs
and was only a mouthpiece of his crafty Vazier.
The Minister could make a puppet of the King
but he could not wipe out the free spirit of the
chiefs by his oppressions or intrigues. Alarmed at
their growing influence, Wafadar Khan resolved
to destroy them all, but his efforts in this direction
finally proved his ruin, as well as that of the
Sovereign himself. A number of these disgusted
Sardars conspired to assassinate the Vazier, depose
Zaman Shah, and place his brother, Shujaul-Mulk,
on the throne. They were also aiming at a con-
stitutional monarchy. The plot was, however,
discovered by the treachery of Mirza Sharif Khan,
one of the conspirators. Whereupon the ring-
leaders, including Sardar Payanda Khan, head of
the Barakzais, Mohammed Azim Khan, chief of
the Alokozais and Amir Arsalan Khan of the
Jewansher clan, were arrested and executed.

Besides, a large number of other influential nobles,
who had absolutely no share in the plot, fell
victim to the envy and fear of Wafadar Khan.

This cold-blooded wholesale massacre of the


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heads of different clans increased the general hatred of the people for the Shah and his Minister.

Sardar Payanda Khan had left twenty-one resourceful sons behind. Of these Fateh Khan, the eldest, was a gallant soldier and an able statesman. Now the sons of Payanda Khan gathered together to avenge the death of their father. As will be seen presently they did not rest for a moment until the bloody obligation had been faithfully carried out. After the death of his father, Fateh Khan fled to Persia to joint Prince Mahmud, who after his repeated failures, had at last taken shelter in that country and was intriguing with the King of Persia to help him in his cause.

Mahmud, who in the beginning of Zaman Shah's reign, had submitted out of necessity, was never content with the governorship of Herat. He aspired to be a king and was only on the look-out for an opportunity to realise his dreams. In 1794, when Zaman Shah was busy with Kashmir affairs, he rebelled and declared his independence. The King at the head of fifteen thousand men met him at the banks of the


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Helmand. A well-contested battle took place, in which Zaman Shah, after narrowly escaping a defeat, obtained a complete victory over his adversary, who fleeing from the battle-field, reached Herat in safety. Unfortunately, the Shah did not follow his success, and turned his attention towards India. His design against that country was, however, frustrated this time by the activities of his eldest brother, who, after his defeat at Kilat-i-Ghilzai, had taken shelter in Baluchistan. In the battle that ensued, Humayun was again defeated and forced to flee. He was caught at Leiya, on the eastern bank of the Indus and deprived of his eye-sight by the orders of the Shah. Humayun passed the rest of his life in confinement.

Being relieved of pressing anxiety, Zaman Shah left for Sindh, where things were not going on well. He had hardly reached the Bolan Pass when the news was brought to him that Mahmud was planning to attack him in the rear with the object of taking Kandahar. The King, concluding a hasty peace with Fatehulla Khan Talpuri, returned to Kandahar. A severe battle was fought at Girishk, on the Helmand. Mahmud


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was once more defeated and had to flee for his
life. This time Zaman Shah, pursuing him, laid
siege to Herat. Through the intercession and
solicitation of Mahmud's mother, the two brothers
for the third time came to terms. Mahmud was
reinstated in his office. The Shah had hardly left
the city when he was pursued by Mahmud's sons,
who pretended to be ignorant of the decisions
arrived at. Zaman Shah, enraged at this apparent
treachery, returned and entered Herat triumph-
antly. After appointing Kaisar, his son, the
governor of the province, he returned to his
capital.

Mahmud, reduced to despair, fled to Persia
with his sons (1797). He approached the Persian
king to help him in the capture of Herat.
Mahmud receiving no encouraging reply, endea-
voured to win some of the influential chiefs to
his side. Failing in his attempt to stir an
uprising, he approached Mehr Ali Khan the ruler
of Kauin and Berjend. With the help of this
chief he advanced on Herat and laid siege to it.
Once more he met disaster and was forced to
leave for Bukhara, where he was warmly received
by the ruler of the country. Soon after, Zaman Shah


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sent an envoy to Shah Murad of Bukhara, protest-
ing against his giving asylum to Mahmud and asking
him to deliver him up to the Afghan King. Shah
Murad, unwilling to offend Shah Zaman, ordered
the fugitive to leave his country. The Prince took
shelter in Gurganj in Khwarizm. He did not
stay there for long and entered Persia a second
time. It was here that he was joined by Fateh
Khan Barakzai, the eldest son of Sardar Payanda
Khan. The arrival of this Sardar inspired
Mahmud with fresh courage. Supported by the
strong arm of the King-maker, he determined to
try his luck once more.

He entered Afghanistan with no more than
fifty horsemen. With the exception of the
Barakzai Sardars, no other chief of influence
espoused his cause. But fortune favoured him
this time and about two to three thousand men
came to his help. With the small force he
advanced on Kandahar and besieged the town.
On the forty-second day of the siege, Fateh Khan
was able to win over Abdullah Khan, a powerful
chief of the garrison, to his side. Mir Akhor,
the chief of the defenders, fled for his life,


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while Prince Haidar, the governor, sought sanctuary
at the tomb of Ahmad Shah Durrani.

Encouraged by these successes, Mahmud and
Fateh Khan pushed on towards the capital. At
this time Zaman Shah was busy with his pre-
parations for another invasion of India. Hearing
the sad plight of his garrison at Kandahar, he
gave up these plans and decided to turn his
immediate attention to this side.

Before leaving Peshawar, Zaman Shah com-
mitted a serious mistake, which precipitated his
fall. Abdullah Khan Alokozai, the governor of
Kashmir, who had come to meet him, was impri-
soned and tortured. Saidal Khan, the victim's
brother, who was then at Kandahar, with a view
to avenge his brother's torture, went over to
Mahmud with all the members of his clan.
Zaman, attaching little importance to the fate
of Kanadhar and subsequent events, sent fifteen
thousand of his soldiers to Kashmir, which had
taken up arms against him. Then leaving the
major portion of his army at Peshawar, under
his full-brother, Shujaul Mulk, Zaman Shah left
for Kabul with a small contingent. On reaching


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the capital, the real state of affairs was revealed to him. He found that the strength of his opponent was far beyond his expectations and that all the influential Durrani Chiefs had joined him. He, as well as his minister, was panic-stricken.

After some hesitation, the King marched against Mahmud at the head of such troops that he could muster. The main body of the army was under the command of Ahmad Khan Nurzai, who had innumerable grievances against the King and his Minister. Fateh Khan was not ignorant of the fact and he utilised it to his full advantage. When the two armies came face to face, Fateh Khan, seizing Abdullah Khan, Ahmad Khan Nurzai's brother, threatened to kill him if the Chief refused to come over to his side with all his troops. Ahmad Khan, who was already wavering in his loyalty and wanted but a pretext, decided to join the ranks of the insurgents. With desertion in his camp the cause of Zaman Shah became almost hopeless. The King was so disheartened, that leaving the battle-field, he fled quickly towards Kabul, with Fateh Khan at his heels. Zaman, therefore, could not stay long in Kabul,


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and fled towards Peshawar with a handful of loyal followers. Travelling at breakneck speed he reached the fort of Ashik Khan Shinwari, one of his staunch adherents, on the way. The King, in spite of the advice and entreaties of his followers, decided to pass a night there. But this Ashik turned out to be a traitor. He received the King and his retinue with outward courtesy, but contrary to the Afghan principles of hospitality and "ninawatay" (asylum), detained the honourable guests and sent a swift messenger to Mahmud informing him of Shah's confinement.

Fateh Khan, without losing time, sent Asad Khan, one of his younger brothers, to secure Zaman Shah and his party. The Minister and his master fell prisoners into the hand of their enemy. Wafadar Khan, with his brothers, were put to death, while the poor King was deprived of his eye-sight. The blinded Zaman was taken to Kabul and cast into prison at Bala Hissar, where he remained until the end of Mahmud's reign.

Thus fell one of the greatest of Afghan kings, who for many years had been a "ghastly


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phantom" haunting the British rulers of India.
With him vanished the glorious days of the
Durrani Dynasty. The country soon after was
involved in anarchy and chaos which lasted for
a quarter of a century, reducing Afghanistan
from a vast empire to a small kingdom.

The unlucky King survived the loss of his
sight for nearly half a century, and died at
last full of years, but devoid of honours, as
a pensioner of the British Government, at
Ludhiana.

During the latter part of his reign Zaman
Shah was confronted with the uprisings of the
Sikhs several times, and he was forced to take up
arms against them.

The Sikhs, for the most part of Jat origin,
dwell in the East Panjab. They are, properly
speaking, not a race but a religious sect; the
name itself means "disciples." The religion was
founded by Nanak (1469—1539), a native of the
Punjab. Later it developed in the hands of ten
successive leaders, called Gurus. Guru Nanak,
who was largely inspired by the teachings of
Islam, was held in great esteem by the Lodhi


114
Kings of Delhi. Even to this day his name is held in great reverence by the Afghans, who call him Baba (Father) Nanak. Sikhism, like Islam, inculcates belief in one God. It denounces idolatory, caste distinctions, and the claims of Brahmanism.
In the beginning the followers of Baba Nanak or the Sikhs as they were called, led the peaceful life of ascetics, but later on they aspired to temporal power and taking advantage of the anarchy in Northern India, they took to arms in the hope of extending their hold over the Panjab. This brought them into conflict with the Afghans. Ahmad Shah Durrani and his son Timur Shah were able to keep them in check, but during the reign of Zaman Shah, the Sikhs, encouraged by his manifold occupations at home, redoubled their efforts, and this brought the Afghan King to India several times. The Sikhs seldom met him in the open field. On his approach they, leaving the plains, took to the hills, where they felt themselves safer from attack. As soon as Shah Zaman quitted the country, they returned from their hiding places and began to oppress the Muslim population of the Province.


115

Finally in 1798, when Zaman Shah came to Lahore, he tried to conciliate the Sikhs and to win them over to his side. This measure was successful to some extent, and many of the Sikh Chiefs, including Ranjit Singh, coming to him tendered their homage. Zaman Shah, in pursuit of his new policy, appointed Ranjit Singh as the governor of Lahore. Having thus installed the influential Sikh to power, he hastened towards Khorasan, which was then threatened by Fateh Ali Shah Kajar (1799). This, indeed, was the beginning of the Sikh rule in the Punjab, which lasted till the middle of the nineteenth century (1849).

Ranjit Singh, availing of the civil war taking place in Afghanistan, gradually subdued all the chiefs living along the Satluj. Then turning his attention to the west, he occupied the whole of the Panjab, Kashmir, and the trans-Indus districts from Peshawar to Dera Ghazi Khan.

On Ranjit Singh's death in 1839, there was all confusion, and his capital, Lahore, became the theatre of internecine quarrels, court intrigues and assassinations. In 1845, a war broke out between


116

the Sikhs and the British, the latter being victorious. By the terms of treaty concluded on March 9, 1846, the Sikhs agreed to cede the territory lying between the Satluj and the Bias and to receive a British garrison at their capital for eight years. Dalip Singh, Ranjit Sing's son, was recognized as Raja, but the administration of the country was virtually in the hands of Major Henry Lawrence, the British Resident at Lahore. According to the terms of this treaty, an indemnity of one and a half million pounds was to be paid to the British, or Kashmir ceded with half a million pounds. The Sikhs accepted the latter alternative. The British then handed over Kashmir for one million sterlings to Golab Singh, the Hindu Raja of Jammu. But the peace could not be maintained for a long time, and in 1848 the Second Sikh War broke out. The Sikhs were once more defeated and on March 12, 1849, Sher Singh and the remnant of the Sikh army laid down their arms. The whole of the Punjab together with the Sikh possessions beyond the Indus became part of the British Empire.

Shah Mahmud (1801—1803).—Mahmud's accession to the throne was at first hailed by all


SHAH MAHMUD SADOZAI
1801—1803 & 1809—1818


[BLANK PAGE]


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the Afghans, who vainly hoped that this would be the end of civil wars, and that a bright future awaited them. But they were soon disillusioned when they saw that Mahmud was not interested in the welfare of his people and that the entire affairs of the State were entrusted to two of his ministers, Akram Khan and Fateh Khan, who were not on good terms with each other. The first was haughty and the other, though a man of great talents and courage, was very ambitious. The destinies of the country were henceforth in the hands of these two rival chiefs. Fateh Khan, who had helped Mahmud so much in the restoration of his kingdom, now did his best to keep him as a puppet on his tottering throne.

Fateh Khan first of all made up his mind to wrench Peshawar held by Shujaul Mulk, Zaman's full-brother. The Prince, though young (he was hardly twenty) was full of energy, and was highly esteemed for his courage and manliness. Fateh Khan at the head of three thousand men went out to meet Shuja, who had declared himself King on learning the sad plight of his brother. He had no less than ten thousand men at


118

his command, mostly recruited from the tribesmen, who were lacking cohesion and discipline. The two armies came face to face midway between Kabul and Jalalabad on the banks of the Surkhrud. A severe contest took place. At first Shuja was victorious, but his followers, seeing the enemy in full flight, gave up the chase and fell upon the treasures, which Shuja had brought with him from Peshawar. Fateh Khan, availing himself of this golden opportunity, turned back and led a general assault, which decided the day in his favour. Shuja's forces were utterly routed, and he himself escaped with hardly fifty horsemen to the skirts of the Speen Ghar. For some time he could not find an asylum and was wandering from place to place. At last Amir Khan, an Afridi Chief of the Khyber Pass, came to his help and allowed him to rest in his hill-fortress for a while. Meanwhile, Kamran, Mahmud's eldest son, took possession of Peshawar and the neighbouring country. After installing Abdul Wahid Khan as Governor of the province, Kamran returned to Kabul. It was time for Shuja to come out of his hiding place. Collecting a force of 5,000 tribesmen, he led an attack on Peshawar. He was again defeated and


119

had to take refuge in Chora among the hill-tribes. Even in these hours of distress and poverty Shuja never lost hope of his final victory.

Meanwhile, Mahmud found himself confronted with a serious uprising of the Ghilzais. Gathering a large force, they stationed a small guard behind to check the royal forces of Kandahar from attacking them in the rear, while the main body of Ghilzai's advanced on Kabul. On their way they beseiged Ghazni, but finding it impregnable, they left a small force to hold the beleagured army, and marched on Kabul via the Lohgar Valley (1802).

Shah Mahmud was in no way prepared to meet the insurgents. The major portion of his army had gone to Peshawar to fight Shuja. Hurriedly a force of three to four thousand men was collected and entrusted to Sher Muhammad Khan (Mukhtarud-daula), who was at time undergoing rigorous imprisonment on a charge of high treason. At Sijawand, not far from Baraki Rajan in the Lohgar Valley, Sher Muhammad Khan attacked the Ghilzais, who were at least twenty thousand in number. Ill-armed and undisciplined


120

as they were, they charged the royal batteries in a confused mass. Failing in their attempt, they made a furious assault on the entrenched army. The first line was taken, and the Ghilzais, flushed at their initial success, came forward like surging waves. At this critical juncture, when all was considered lost, a body of Royal-Guard (Ghulam-Bachaha) attacked them from the flanks. This checked their progress, and the Ghilzai were forced to stand on the defensive. But gradually losing ground, they retreated towards Kala-i-Zirrin, six miles from the scene of action. At night the Ghilzais were reinforced, and next morning they marched straight on Kabul, avoiding a second skirmish with the royal army, which was stationed at some distance to the left. It was not until the next day that the news leaked out. The Royal Force, quitting their trenches, hotly pursued the insurgents. The Ghilzais, instead of marching straight on Kabul and seizing the undefended capital, lingered on the way, plundering the villages enroute. This gave time to the forces to overtake them and inflict on them a crushing defeat.

Next year the Ghilzais were again on the


121

move. This time their number exceeded fifty thousand. Fateh Khan was sent to crush the revolt. Within a few months, the Vazier was able to defeat the Ghilzais with great slaughter, and the storm melted away as it had gathered.

Meanwhile Shuja was not idle. He was carefully watching the course of events. With a force of 12,000 men he attacked Peshawar. Once more he was defeated, and had to seek safety in flight.

Shortly afterwards he learned that the people of Kabul itself had taken up arms against the King. A deadly feud had ensued between the Shias and the Sunnis, the King favouring the former, while most of the influential chiefs were sympathetic with the latter. These disorders were further aggravated by the absence of Vazier Fateh Khan from the capital and the untimely death of Akram Khan. Mahmud, therefore, was forced to shut himself up in the citadel (Bala Hissar), where he thought he would be able to hold his own with the help of the Kizilbash regiments. People from the neighbouring villages also flocked to the city to take part in the riots


122
that ensued. The most prominent of the insurgents were Ahmad Khan Nurzai, Nawab Khan, the Lame, Mukhtarud-daula and Sayyid Ahmad, a man of great learning and sanctity commonly called Mir Waiz. This Sayyid was held in great esteem among the people of Kabul. He always preached against the manifold corruptions and vices of the Court and the royal favours shown to the Shias. A formal complaint to the effect was disregarded by the Shah lest he might incur the displeasure of the sect, which he considered to be the best supporters of his cause.
The communal tension was intensified by the sudden murder of a young Sunni boy, who had picked up a quarrel with the Kizilbash. It was rumoured that his execution was at the instigation of the King himself. At the time when the body of this young man was being taken to the cemetery, the funeral procession was fired upon in the streets mostly occupied by the Shias. This was a signal for a general rising against the Shah. Mukhtarud-daula was now openly taking part in the conflict, exciting the people to rise against the King. The Shah did not like to come to terms with the insurgents, but waited impatiently for the return


123

of Vazier Fateh Khan, who was now on his way with an army from Kandahar. The malcontents sent a message to Shuja to come to their help. Mukhtar-ud-daula, the ring-leader, privately left the city to join Shujaul Mulk. On the 12th July he returned to Kabul with the ex-King, who was warmly received by the people. But Shuja did not enter the city itself. Encamping near Babur's tomb, in the Chardeh Valley, he busied himself with collecting troops to meet Fateh Khan, who was marching on Kabul at the head of a large force. Next day an engagement took place at Kala-i-Kazi, six miles west of Kabul. Fateh Khan was at first victorious, but when he was advancing on Kabul, one of his influential Sardars went over to Shuja with his party. This decided the day in favour of Shujaul Mulk. Fateh Khan, finding himself almost deserted, sought safety in flight. Thereupon Shuja rode triumphantly into the city with Mukhtarud-daula walking by his side. Mahmud was so disheartened by this news that he sued for peace. Though the eyes of the fallen Prince were spared, he was imprisoned in the Bala Hissar. Zaman Shah was


124

now released from confinement and restored to
his family (1803).

Shujaul Mulk (1803 to 1809).—The new King,
though young and energetic, had not the ability of
restoring order in a country torn by internal dis-
sensions and anarchy for more than a decade. The
Chiefs all over the country had become powerful
and unruly, and the outlying provinces were trying
to assert their independence. These internecine
wars had nearly sapped the resources of the
country. Shuja's first act on ascending the throne
was to raise funds to equip an army as well as to
gratify those who had helped him in gaining the
throne. The exhausted resources of the country
could hardly meet these demands. The Shah was,
therefore, obliged to give large portions of his
revenue in grants to the Sardars, who became all
the more powerful. Mukhtarud-daula was appoint-
ed Vazier, though the Shah could hardly trust his
loyalty. Lack of trust between the Shah and the
Vazier further deteriorated the situation. The
slightest provocation from the Court would drive
a noble into open rebellion.

Shah Shuja, after raising funds and equipping
an army, marched on Kandahar, held by Prince


125

Kamran and Vazier Fateh Khan. The city was taken without much opposition. Kamran was forced to seek safety in flight, while Fateh Khan decided to submit to Shah Shuja. The King, failed to avail himself of this opportunity and made no serious attempt to win over the powerful Sardar to his side. On the contrary, perhaps at the instigation of Mukhtarud-daula, he received Fateh Khan very coldy. Disappointed at the treatment meted out to him, the Vazier decided to make good his escape and avenge his insult. Shuja, after restoring order at Kandahar and appointing Kaiser, son of Zaman Shah, as the governor of the place, returned to the capital. Shortly afterwards he again set out with an army 30,000 strong to assert his suzerainty over Kashmir and Sind. Fateh Khan, who had accompanied the Shah as far as Tezin, excused himself on the plea of a physical infirmity, which had stood in his way to keep pace with the royal cortege, promising at the same time that he would follow by easy stages. The request was granted, but soon after that the royal party left for Peshawar, Fateh Khan returned to Kandahar to foment a rebellion. He instigated Kaiser to raise the standard of revolt,


126

claiming the throne as the legacy of his father. The news brought the Shah back to his capital. He then marched to Kandahar to meet his nephew. Kaiser was defeated and ran away for his life. The King, however, did not follow his success, but marched back to Peshawar. The insurgent Prince, with the help of his resourceful Vazier, was again able to raise an army and take possession of Kandahar. This brought Shah Shuja there once more. Kaiser fled at his approach, while Fateh Khan took refuge in Herat. Kaiser, shortly afterwards, repenting his folly, promised to remain loyal. The Shah received him kindly and reinstated him in his office.

Firoz-ud-din, the ruler of Herat and a full-brother of Mahmud, was now instigated by Vazier Fateh Khan to take up arms against the Shah. But he wisely rejected the proposal and settled his differences amicably with Shujaul Mulk. The affairs of Kandahar and Herat thus favourably settled, Shuja had now time to turn his attention to the outlying provinces. He marched into Sindh to recover the arrears of revenue. The Chiefs, acknowledging his suzerainty, paid him a sum of


127

17,00,000 rupees. He then left for Peshawar, reaching there in April, 1805.

Shah Shuja then prepared an expedition to reduce Kashmir, where Abdulla Khan had declared his independence. The force encountered innumerable hazards on its way due to the difficult nature of the country and the shortage of food. A second attempt was, however, successful. The greater part of Abdullah's army was either killed or washed away by the Jhelum, and he himself escaped by swimming across the river.

Meanwhile, Vazier Fateh Khan was active in Kandahar. He once again incited Kamran, Mahmud's son, to bid for the throne. Kamran had no hesitation in following his advice. Joining the Vazier, he marched on Kandahar. Kaisar, taking to his heels, sought refuge in Baluchistan. This news brought Shujaul Mulk once more to Kandahar. He had no difficulty in entering the city, as Kamran's forces melted away on his approach.

The tension between the King and Mukhtar-ud-daula had increased by this time and each was


128

suspicious of the other. Earlier the King had listened to his advice, but Shah's success on the various fronts led him to attach too much importance to his own valour and prowess. Henceforth he treated the Vazier with contempt and would attach no importance to his counsels.

The Vazier was, therefore, on the lookout for a chance to avenge his grievances against the Shah. An attempt was made to raise Prince Abbas to the throne at Kabul. The plan did not succeed, but it gave a chance to the ex-King, Mahmud, to make good his escape from the Bala Hissar. Reaching Girishk, he joined hands with Fateh Khan.

The Shah, attaching little importance to this, resolved to proceed to Sindh. In his absence from the capital, Mukhtarud-daula proclaimed Kaisar King of Kabul. The two then marched on Peshawar, which they occupied without much resistance. The Shah set out for Peshawar and met the rebels at Tahkal, in the suburbs of the city. The death of the Vazier in the struggle decided the battle in favour of the Shah. Kaiser was imprisoned and brought before the Shah


129

who, with his usual unwise leniency, pardoned him again.

The Shah then marched on Kandahar where Vazier Fateh Khan and Mahmud were active. He met the insurgents in the eastern part of the city where Mahmud and his Vazier were defeated and forced to take shelter in the desert of Seistan 1808. The Shah then returned to Peshawar, reaching his destination on the 10th of January, 1809. It was here that he received a British mission headed by Stuart Elphinstone.

The internecine wars, which rent and convulsed the Afghan Empire, were a source of acknowledged security to the British power in the East. Captain Malcolm's mission to Persia was entirely successful. Persia prevented the Afghans from invading India. But British influence at the Court of Persia had by now waned to a great extent. Every year increased the difficulties of the Shah of Persia, and weakened his reliance on the British, who failed to carry out faithfully the terms of the agreement signed with Malcolm. The Shah was beset with danger and needed help. The British were not in a mood to aid him


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at this critical moment. The Shah (Fateh Ali) was, therefore, obliged to address a letter to Napoleon, then at the zenith of his triumphant career, seeking the aid of the great conqueror to stem the tide of Russian encroachment in Georgia. Napoleon seized the opportunity with vigour and in 1805 sent Monsieur Jaubert to Persia to conclude a commercial treaty. The French envoy was received with great respect. This paved the way for a splendid embassy, which Napoleon proposed to dispatch to the Persian Court. The Shah was very pleased to get this news and threw himself entirely in the support of the French. He was prepared to listen to any proposal of theirs, not excluding an invasion of India if the French were prepared for that.

This aroused the British to action and they saw the necessity of sending a similar mission to the Court of Tehran. To their embarrassment they found that a French embassy, under General Gardanne, an officer of high reputation, was already there to secure an offensive and defensive alliance. The embassy also brought a large number of French officers, both civil and military, to instruct and drill the Persian troops


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on European models. French engineers and
artificers were busy in casting cannon and
strengthening the defences of Persia. Napoleon's
agents were found visiting Persian ports in the
south, and intriguing and negotiating with the
ambassadors of the Mirs of Sindh, preparations
preliminary to a French invasion of India.

It was in July, 1807, that the two Emperors,
Napoleon of France and Alexander I of Russia,
signed the treaty of Tilsit. After a brief but
bloody war, they embraced each other like
brothers. In a few days the scene had changed.
In an atmosphere of cordiality the two monarchs
decided upon a combined invasion of India.
Lucien Bonaparte, the brother of Napoleon, was
destined for Tehran Mission, and no secret was
made of the intention of the two great poten-
tates.

These negotiations and war preparations had
the effect of rousing the British Government to
try to recover their lost ascendency at the Persian
Court and to protect their Indian Empire by
binding the Western Frontier States in a chain
of friendly alliances. Missions were, therefore,


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sent by the British Indian Government to the Mirs of Sindh (under Captain Seton), Ranjit Singh (under Metcalfe), the Court of Kabul (under Elphinstone), and the Court of Tehran (under Sir John Malcolm).

The mission under Elphinstone was sent for the purpose of concerting with Shah Shuja the means of mutual defence against the threatened invasion of Afghanistan and India by the combined forces of France and Russia. The Mission was warmly received by Shah Shuja, who was at this time at Peshawar, and the negotiations resulted in the conclusion of a friendly treaty (June 7, 1809). The Shah promised to prevent the passage of the French and the Persians through his dominions and to exert himself to the extent of his power in making war on them and repelling them. He was not to permit them to cross into British India. The British on their part promised to help Shah Shuja in case the French and the Persians in pursuance of their confederacy advanced towards Afghanistan, and would hold themselves liable to afford the expenses necessary for the above-mentioned service to the extent of their ability. But Shah Shuja's fortune


133

was then at a low ebb; his country was in a most
unsettled condition, and his throne seemed to be
tottering under him. He made himself busy
collecting an army, and was projecting a great
military expedition. On the 14th of June the
Mission turned its back on Peshawar and left for
India.

Elphinstone had scarcely left Peshawar when
news was received that Kabul had been occupied
by Mahmud with the aid of Fateh Khan. Before
the Mission had cleared the limits of the Durrani
Empire, Shah Shuja had given battle to his
enemies, and had been disastrously defeated.
The month of June had not worn to a close
before it was evident that his cause was almost
lost. Still, he did not abandon the contest. It
was now rumoured that Mahmud had reached
Jigdalik with the object of making an advance
upon Peshawar. There was no time to lose.
The Shah, taking precautionary measures, sent
his family towards Rawalpindi for safety, accom-
panied by his blinded brother, Zaman Shah.

After making necessary preparations, Shah
Shuja left Peshawar for Kabul. He first encamped


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at Dakka, in the western extremity of the
Khyber Pass, sending Azeem Khan and Maddad
Khan in advance with 4,000 horses. The Shah
soon learned that Maddad Khan had turned
traitor and was in secret communication with the
enemy. Whereupon Shah Shuja directed Azeem
Khan not to proceed further until he came up
with his guns and the rest of the army. Mean-
while, Maddad Khan, with all the forces at his
command, left for Nimla, and informed Mahmud
accordingly. Mahmud, who had been afraid to
advance further from Jigdalik due to lack of
means, was encouraged by this news and pushed
on with confidence to Gandomak. It was here
that Maddad Khan came to see him. Having
arranged and matured their plans, he was allowed
to return to Nimla. Shah Shuja learning of this
treachery ordered Akram Khan and Ghafoor
Khan to lose no time in punishing the traitor.
When they reached Nimla, they found Maddad
Khan with his rebel force ready to meet them
(June 29, 1809). The moment Akram Khan
beheld the foul treachery, he rushed impetuously
forward upon the enemy and fought with such
bravery that numbers fell beneath his sword.


135
Unfortunately, in the midst of battle, a bullet
struck him through the chest and the brave and
faithful general fell dead on the ground.
The death of Akram Khan had a demoralizing
effect on the King, who deemed it decisive and
thought fit that further resistance was useless.
Submitting, therefore, to what he called his fate,
he turned off and made for the skirts of the Speen
Ghar.
Still he did not give up the contest and was
hopeful of his ultimate victory. He withdrew
beyond the Frontier and waited for favourable
opportunity. After a short time he marched on
Peshawar and took the Bala Hissar without much
resistance. But his good luck was of a very
short duration. The chiefs, on whom he relied
most, were bribed by Atta Muhammad Khan,
the Governor of Kashmir, to seize the person
of the Shah. They accordingly escaladed the
Bala Hissar, seized the royal person and carried
him off to Kashmir. The Governor would
offer him release only if he gave up the famous
Koh-i-Noor diamond. But the Shah refused to
surrender this precious jewel. So he remained
in captivity for full one year.


136

SHAH MAHMUD
(AGAIN FROM 1809—1818)

At this time Mahmud sent a force to Kashmir
under Vazier Fateh Khan. Atta Mohammed
Khan advanced to give battle, but being deserted
by most of his followers, he fell back on Srinagar.
Ultimately, seeing resistance useless, he made his
submission to Fateh Khan. Shah Shuja, released
from captivity, left for Lahore. Ranjit Singh
received him warmly, but it soon became clear
that he too coveted the famous Diamond.

Shortly after his arrival, the Maharaja sent
Ram Singh to him demanding the Koh-i-noor.
Shah Shuja replied that when real friendship was
established he would give it to him. Ranjit Singh
was in no mood to brook delay. He resorted
to other means to extort it from the luckless
King. He offered assistance in troops and
treasure if the Shah wanted to recover his throne.
Then an exchange of turbans took place and the
Shah gave him the coveted precious stone.

Ranjit Singh did not fulfil his part of the
contract. On the contrary, as time advanced,
the condition of the King became still more
hopeless. At last he decided to fly away and find


137

a peaceful asylum somewhere else. He remem-
bered the friendly overtures of the British and
made up his mind to go to them. Ranjit Singh
would not let him go. Eight soldiers guarded
his residence at night. However, a hole through
the ceiling was made, and the ex-King, leaving a
faithful servant to sleep on his bed, escaped
through the hole in the guise of a mendicant,
attended by two of his faithful servants. Instead
of making for the British territories, Shah Shuja
turned his face toward Jammu, where he was
warmly received by the Raja of Kishtwar. After
an ineffective attempt to recover Kashmir with
the assistance of the Raja, the Shah finally left
for Ludhiana, and placed himself under British
protection (September, 1816).


138

THE FALL OF THE DURRANIS

Mahmud ascended the throne a second time in
1809. The Barakzais were now dominant through-
out the country, while Mahmud was content with
the pomp and show of royalty.

Fateh Khan, after placing Mahmud on the
throne and establishing order in the country,
turned his attention towards the outlying provinces
that had asserted their independence during the
turmoil. After compelling the rulers of Sindh
and Baluchistan to tender their allegiance to the
Afghan King, he resolved to recover Kashmir
as well. Atta Mohammed Khan, the Governor
of that place, after a short resistance, was forced
to surrender unconditionally with his brother,
Ghulam Mohammad. Whereupon Jahandar
Khan, Commandant of Attock Fort and a younger
brother of Atta Mohammed, was so enraged that
he handed over the Fort to the Sikhs on payment
of 100,000 rupees. This treachery enabled the
Maharaja to occupy a place of great strate-
gical and commercial importance on the routes
leading to Kashmir, Peshawar and the Panjab.

Fateh Khan after appointing Azim Khan,
one of his brothers, as Governor of Kashmir,


AMIR DOST MOHAMED
1826—1839 & 1843—1863


[BLANK PAGE]


139

left for Afghanistan. On reaching Attock, he found it held by a powerful Sikh Army. Dost Mohammad, in command of the advance-guard, led the assault in person, driving the Sikhs on all sides. He fought so bravely that he was given the name of Rustam by the Sikh General commanding the Fort. Dost Mohammed, at the head of his small contingent, rushed into the main defences of the enemy, captured some of the guns and forced the Sikhs to retreat. Unfortunately, at this juncture, some of the Afghans, overpowered with thirst, were forced to fall back, and this was a signal for general retreat. Dost Mohammad, who could get no help from the rear, was also obliged to give up the fight and join his brother, who was under the wrong impression that he had been killed in the action.

Fateh Khan, on reaching the capital, learned that the Persians were threatening Herat. The ruler of the place, a younger brother of Mahmud, Haji Firozud-din, appealed to Mahmud for help. In order to stem the tide of the Kajar invasion, Vazier Fateh Khan was asked to repair to Herat. Haji Firozud-din outwardly received him warmly, but in his heart of hearts he hated the Vazier and


140

did not allow him to enter the Fort. Fateh Khan, perhaps under instructions from Mahmud, arrested the ruler and sent him to Kabul under an escort, while he directed Dost Mohammed to enter Herat and take possession of the Citadel and the treasury. One of the princesses, sister of Kamran and wife of Prince Mohammed Kasim, son of Firozud-din, called upon her brother, to avenge her grievances. Kamran, governor of Kandahar, who had an old grudge against the Vazier, hailed the opportunity. Repairing to Herat, he caught hold of Fateh Khan, who had by now won a decisive victory over the Persians at Kafir Killa, and immediately deprived him of his eyesight, while Dost Mohammed Khan escaped to Kashmir with the treasures.

Retribution immediately followed this out-rage. Fateh Khan's brothers, twenty in number, raised the standard of revolt in every part of the country. The blinded Minister was taken to the Shah, who asked him to write to his rebellious brothers to submit. The Vazier replied courage-ously that he was a poor blind prisoner having no control over his brothers. In the meantime the Royal Forces sustained crushing defeats on


141

all sides at the hands of Fateh Khan's brothers.
Shah Mahmud made a last stand near Ghazni.
The Vazier was once more asked to write to his
brothers to stop fighting and surrender them-
selves to the Shah. Again he refused. The
enraged Shah then ordered the unfortunate
Minister, to whom he owed his crown twice, to
be put to death. The King-maker was literally
hacked to pieces, but he bore his misfortune
with courage. He raised no cry, and did not
pray for mercy. He died as he had lived-brave
and dauntless. The end of the Vazier was in
reality the death-knell of the Durrani dynasty.
It roused the feelings of vengeance on the part of
the powerful Barakzai brothers. Dost Mohammed,
one of the youngest, was the first to strike success-
fully. Shah Mahmud, together with Kamran,
were driven out of all their possessions except
Herat, and the whole of Afghanistan was parcelled
out among the Barakzai brothers.

In the confusion that arose, Afghanistan suffer-
ed heavily. Balkh was seized by the ruler of Bu-
khara, the trans-Indus districts fell to the lot of
Ranjit Singh, while the outlying provinces of Sindh


142

and Baluchistan assumed complete independence.
In this partition of Afghanistan, Ghazni fell into
the hands of Dost Mohammad, who soon estab-
lished his supremacy at Kabul and Jalalabad and
thus he became the most powerful of the Barakzai
Sardars.